The history of drink : $b A review, social, scientific, and politicalSamuelson, James
History
The history of drink : $b A review, social, scientific, and political
Samuelson, James
Drinking of alcoholic beverages -- History; Temperance -- History
But let us look at the bill itself, and supposing that it became law as
it stands at present, what would be its effect upon the community? The
reply of objectors is very well known: “It would enable a tyrannical
majority in small places to prevent a poor man from getting a glass of
beer, whilst it would not preclude the wealthy from keeping a stock of
wine or spirits; and in large towns it would be altogether inoperative,
as it has been in the United States.” Assuming these to be the real
objections to the bill (which they are not), what do they amount to when
they are dispassionately considered? Surely no one will deny that there
is a great deal of drunkenness even in small towns and country places;
and if it would be less difficult to suppress it in such places than in
large towns, would it not be a very practical mode of proceeding to win
the outworks of intemperance before storming the citadel? It might even
at first increase the amount of drunkenness in towns, as it has done in
Gothenburg, through the influx of visitors from the country, where no
drink could be procured; but that would be a proof of its necessity and
a tribute to its efficiency. Has the objection ever been urged against
the closing of public-houses in towns at certain hours on Sundays that it
compels a few sots to walk miles in search of drink into a neighbouring
country parish, where the law is not carried into effect so rigorously on
account of the absence of police supervision?
But it would be a waste of time to protract the discussion. To pass a law
is one thing, to enforce it rigidly is another; and it may be admitted
once for all that it would be to a considerable extent evaded, as the
Maine Law has been in America. But we have seen that hitherto, with one
partial exception, namely, the limitation of the hours of sale, that
has been the fate of all legislation against intemperance. Therefore in
that respect the Act would be no worse than its predecessors, and it
might be much more successful. On the other hand (still regarding the
bill in its inchoate form), it would make the sale of intoxicating drink
illegal; and as we are a law-abiding nation, a great many people would
give up the trade, and a very considerable number who have hitherto
thought it unnecessary to refrain from taking alcohol would feel it to
be their duty to become partial or total abstainers. In other words, it
would cease to be the fashion to drink and to invite others to do so: it
would no longer be necessary for a man to imbibe liquor in order to get
on in the world, as it is too frequently the case at present. As soon
as the trade itself became illegal, it would, _as it is now conducted_,
become very disreputable, and its open encouragement would cease.
For it cannot be too frequently repeated that a very large number of
respectable and influential men, who would consider it discreditable to
keep a public-house themselves, do not hesitate to associate on terms of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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