The History of England - a Study in Political EvolutionPollard, A. F. (Albert Frederick)
History
The History of England - a Study in Political Evolution
Pollard, A. F. (Albert Frederick)
Great Britain -- History; Great Britain -- Politics and government
This political system would not have developed nor lasted so long as it
did, had it not had some virtue and some relevance to its environment.
In every country's development there is a stage in which aristocracy is
the best form of government. England had outgrown monarchical
despotism, but it was not yet fit for democracy. Political power
depends upon education, and it would have been unreasonable to expect
intelligent votes from men who could not read or write, had small
knowledge of politics, little practical training in local
administration, and none of the will to exercise control. Politics were
still the affair of the few, because only the few could comprehend
them, or were conscious of the uses and limitations of political power.
The corrupt and misguided use of their votes by those who possessed
them was some reason for not extending the franchise to still more
ignorant masses; and it was not entirely irrational to leave the
control of national affairs in the hands of that section of the nation
which had received some sort of political education.
The defects, however, of a political system, which restricts power to a
limited class or classes, are that each class tends to exercise it in
its own interests and resents its extension to others, even when they
are qualified for its use. If all other historical records had
disappeared, land laws, game laws, inclosure acts, and corn laws--after
the Revolution a bounty was actually placed on the export of corn,
whereby the community was taxed in order to deprive itself of food or
make it dearer--alone would prove that political power in the Georgian
period was vested in a landed aristocracy, though England's commercial
policy, especially towards Ireland, would show that mercantile
interests had also to be consulted. Similarly, the journals of the
House of Commons would prove it to have been a close corporation less
anxious for the reign of law than for its own supremacy over the law.
It claimed authority to decide by its own resolutions who had the right
to vote for its members and who had the right to a seat. It expelled
members duly elected, and declared candidates elected who had been duly
rejected. It repudiated responsibility to public opinion as derogatory
to its liberties and independence; it excluded strangers, and punished
the publication of debates and division-lists as high misdemeanours. It
was a law unto itself, and its notions of liberty sometimes sank to the
level of those of a feudal baron.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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