The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 1Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 1
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688; Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702
At home the Triple Alliance was popular in the highest degree. It
gratified alike national animosity and national pride. It put a limit
to the encroachments of a powerful and ambitious neighbour. It bound
the leading Protestant states together in close union. Cavaliers and
Roundheads rejoiced in common: but the joy of the Roundhead was even
greater than that of the Cavalier. For England had now allied herself
strictly with a country republican in government and Presbyterian in
religion, against a country ruled by an arbitrary prince and attached
to the Roman Catholic Church. The House of Commons loudly applauded the
treaty; and some uncourtly grumblers described it as the only good thing
that had been done since the King came in.
The King, however, cared little for the approbation of his Parliament
or of his people. The Triple Alliance he regarded merely as a temporary
expedient for quieting discontents which had seemed likely to become
serious. The independence, the safety, the dignity of the nation
over which he presided were nothing to him. He had begun to find
constitutional restraints galling. Already had been formed in the
Parliament a strong connection known by the name of the Country Party.
That party included all the public men who leaned towards Puritanism
and Republicanism, and many who, though attached to the Church and to
hereditary monarchy, had been driven into opposition by dread of Popery,
by dread of France, and by disgust at the extravagance, dissoluteness,
and faithlessness of the court. The power of this band of politicians
was constantly growing. Every year some of those members who had been
returned to Parliament during the loyal excitement of 1661 had dropped
off; and the vacant seats had generally been filled by persons less
tractable. Charles did not think himself a King while an assembly of
subjects could call for his accounts before paying his debts, and
could insist on knowing which of his mistresses or boon companions had
intercepted the money destined for the equipping and manning of the
fleet. Though not very studious of fame, he was galled by the taunts
which were sometimes uttered in the discussions of the Commons, and on
one occasion attempted to restrain the freedom of speech by disgraceful
means. Sir John Coventry, a country gentleman, had, in debate, sneered
at the profligacy of the court. In any former reign he would probably
have been called before the Privy Council and committed to the Tower. A
different course was now taken. A gang of bullies was secretly sent to
slit the nose of the offender. This ignoble revenge, instead of quelling
the spirit of opposition, raised such a tempest that the King was
compelled to submit to the cruel humiliation of passing an act which
attainted the instruments of his revenge, and which took from him the
power of pardoning them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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