The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 1Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 1
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688; Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702
And now a new and alarming class of symptoms began to appear in the
distempered body politic. There had been, from the first, in the
parliamentary party, some men whose minds were set on objects from which
the majority of that party would have shrunk with horror. These men
were, in religion, Independents. They conceived that every Christian
congregation had, under Christ, supreme jurisdiction in things
spiritual; that appeals to provincial and national synods were scarcely
less unscriptural than appeals to the Court of Arches, or to the
Vatican; and that Popery, Prelacy, and Presbyterianism were merely three
forms of one great apostasy. In politics, the Independents were, to use
the phrase of their time, root and branch men, or, to use the kindred
phrase of our own time, radicals. Not content with limiting the power of
the monarch, they were desirous to erect a commonwealth on the ruins of
the old English polity. At first they had been inconsiderable, both
in numbers and in weight; but before the war had lasted two years they
became, not indeed the largest, but the most powerful faction in the
country. Some of the old parliamentary leaders had been removed by
death; and others had forfeited the public confidence. Pym had been
borne, with princely honours, to a grave among the Plantagenets. Hampden
had fallen, as became him, while vainly endeavouring, by his heroic
example, to inspire his followers with courage to face the fiery cavalry
of Rupert. Bedford had been untrue to the cause. Northumberland was
known to be lukewarm. Essex and his lieutenants had shown little vigour
and ability in the conduct of military operations. At such a conjuncture
it was that the Independent party, ardent, resolute, and uncompromising,
began to raise its head, both in the camp and in the House of Commons.
The soul of that party was Oliver Cromwell. Bred to peaceful
occupations, he had, at more than forty years of age, accepted a
commission in the parliamentary army. No sooner had he become a soldier
than he discerned, with the keen glance of genius, what Essex, and men
like Essex, with all their experience, were unable to perceive. He saw
precisely where the strength of the Royalists lay, and by what means
alone that strength could be overpowered. He saw that it was necessary
to reconstruct the army of the Parliament. He saw also that there were
abundant and excellent materials for the purpose, materials less showy,
indeed, but more solid, than those of which the gallant squadrons of the
King were composed. It was necessary to look for recruits who were not
mere mercenaries, for recruits of decent station and grave character,
fearing God and zealous for public liberty. With such men he filled his
own regiment, and, while he subjected them to a discipline more rigid
than had ever before been known in England, he administered to their
intellectual and moral nature stimulants of fearful potency.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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