The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 2Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 2
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688; Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702
At the very time at which the Prince was thus estranged from the English
court, the causes which had hitherto produced a coolness between him
and the two great sections of the English people disappeared. A large
portion, perhaps a numerical majority, of the Whigs had favoured the
pretensions of Monmouth: but Monmouth was now no more. The Tories, on
the other hand, had entertained apprehensions that the interests of the
Anglican Church might not be safe under the rule of a man bred among
Dutch Presbyterians, and well known to hold latitudinarian opinions
about robes, ceremonies, and Bishops: but, since that beloved Church
had been threatened by far more formidable dangers from a very different
quarter, these apprehensions had lost almost all their power. Thus, at
the same moment, both the great parties began to fix their hopes and
their affections on the same leader. Old republicans could not refuse
their confidence to one who had worthily filled, during many years,
the highest magistracy of a republic. Old royalists conceived that they
acted according to their principles in paying profound respect to a
prince so near to the throne. At this conjuncture it was of the highest
moment that there should be entire union between William and Mary. A
misunderstanding between the presumptive heiress of the crown and her
husband must have produced a schism in that vast mass which was from all
quarters gathering round one common rallying point. Happily all risk
of such misunderstanding was averted in the critical instant by the
interposition of Burnet; and the Prince became the unquestioned chief
of the whole of that party which was opposed to the government, a party
almost coextensive with the nation.
There is not the least reason to believe that he at this time meditated
the great enterprise to which a stern necessity afterwards drove him. He
was aware that the public mind of England, though heated by grievances,
was by no means ripe for revolution. He would doubtless gladly have
avoided the scandal which must be the effect of a mortal quarrel
between persons bound together by the closest ties of consanguinity and
affinity. Even his ambition made him unwilling to owe to violence that
greatness which might be his in the ordinary course of nature and
of law. For he well knew that, if the crown descended to his wife
regularly, all its prerogatives would descend unimpaired with it, and
that, if it were obtained by election, it must be taken subject to
such conditions as the electors might think fit to impose. He meant,
therefore, as it appears, to wait with patience for the day when he
might govern by an undisputed title, and to content himself in the
meantime with exercising a great influence on English affairs, as
first Prince of the blood, and as head of the party which was decidedly
preponderant in the nation, and which was certain whenever a Parliament
should meet, to be decidedly preponderant in both Houses.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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