The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 2Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
History
The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 2
Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron
Great Britain -- History -- James II, 1685-1688; Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702
In the Lords the prospect was scarcely less gloomy than in the Commons.
Among the temporal peers it was certain that an immense majority would
be against the King's measures: and on that episcopal bench, which
seven years before had unanimously supported him against those who
had attempted to deprive him of his birthright, he could now look for
support only to four or five sycophants despised by their profession and
by their country. [307]
To all men not utterly blinded by passion these difficulties appeared
insuperable. The most unscrupulous slaves of power showed signs of
uneasiness. Dryden muttered that the King would only make matters worse
by trying to mend them, and sighed for the golden days of the careless
and goodnatured Charles. [308] Even Jeffreys wavered. As long as he
was poor, he was perfectly ready to face obloquy and public hatred for
lucre. But he had now, by corruption and extortion, accumulated great
riches; and he was more anxious to secure them than to increase them.
His slackness drew on him a sharp reprimand from the royal lips. In
dread of being deprived of the Great Seal, he promised whatever was
required of him: but Barillon, in reporting this circumstance to Lewis,
remarked that the King of England could place little reliance on any man
who had any thing to lose. [309]
Nevertheless James determined to persevere. The sanction of a Parliament
was necessary to his system. The sanction of a free and lawful
Parliament it was evidently impossible to obtain: but it might not be
altogether impossible to bring together by corruption, by intimidation,
by violent exertions of prerogative, by fraudulent distortions of law,
an assembly which might call itself a Parliament, and might be willing
to register any edict of the Sovereign. Returning officers must be
appointed who would avail themselves of the slightest pretence to
declare the King's friends duly elected. Every placeman, from the
highest to the lowest, must be made to understand that, if he wished to
retain his office, he must, at this conjuncture, support the throne by
his vote and interest. The High Commission meanwhile would keep its eye
on the clergy. The boroughs, which had just been remodelled to serve one
turn, might be remodelled again to serve another. By such means the
King hoped to obtain a majority in the House of Commons. The Upper
House would then be at his mercy. He had undoubtedly by law the power of
creating peers without limit: and this power he was fully determined
to use. He did not wish, and indeed no sovereign can wish, to make the
highest honour which is in the gift of the crown worthless. He cherished
the hope that, by calling up some heirs apparent to the assembly in
which they must ultimately sit, and by conferring English titles on some
Scotch and Irish Lords, he might be able to secure a majority without
ennobling new men in such numbers as to bring ridicule on the coronet
and the ermine.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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