The History of Roman Literature: From the Earliest Period to the Death of Marcus AureliusCruttwell, Charles Thomas
Philosophy
The History of Roman Literature: From the Earliest Period to the Death of Marcus Aurelius
Cruttwell, Charles Thomas
Latin literature -- History and criticism
It remains to consider him shortly as a philosophic and as an artistic
historian. On these points some excellent remarks are made by M. Taine.
[42] When we read or write a history of Rome we ask, Why was it that Rome
conquered the Samnites, the Carthaginians, the Etruscans? How was it that
the plebeians gained equal rights with the patricians? The answer to such
questions satisfies the intelligent man of the world who desires only a
clear and consistent view. But philosophy asks a yet further _why?_ Why
was Rome a conquering state? why these never-ceasing wars? why was her
cult of abstract deities a worship of the letter which never rose to a
spiritual idea? In the resolution of problems like these lies the true
delight of science; the former is but information; this is knowledge. Has
Livy this knowledge? It does not follow that the philosophic historian
should deduce with mathematical precision; he merely narrates the events
in their proper order, or chooses from the events those that are
representative; he groups facts under their special laws, and these again
under universal laws, by a skilful arrangement or selection, or else by
flashes of imaginative insight. Livy is no more a philosopher than a
critic; he discovers laws, as he verifies facts, imperfectly. The
treatment of history known to the ancients did not admit of separate
discussions summing up the results of previous narrative; for philosophic
views we are as a rule driven to consult the inserted speeches. Livy's
speeches often reveal considerable insight; Manlius's account of the Gauls
in Asia, [43] and Camillus's sarcastic description of their behaviour
round Rome, [44] go to the root of their national character and lay bare
its weakness. The Samnites are criticised by Decius in terms which show
that Livy had analysed the causes of their fall before Rome. [45] Hannibal
arraigns the narrow policy of his country as his true vanquisher. These
and the like are as effectual means of inculcating a general truth as a
set discussion. To these numerous and perhaps more striking passages
bearing on the internal history might be added. [46] But a historian
should have his whole subject under command. It is not enough to
illuminate it by flashes. The speeches, besides being in the highest
degree unnatural and unhistoric, are far too eloquent, moving the feelings
instead of the judgment. [47] "For an annalist," to quote Niebuhr, "a
clear survey is not necessary; but in a work like Livy's, it is of the
highest importance, and no great author has this deficiency to such an
extent as he. He neither knew what he had written nor what he was going to
write, but wrote at hap-hazard." To put all facts on an equal footing is
to be like a child threading beads. To know how to select representative
facts, to arrange according to representative principles is an
indispensable requisite, as its absence is an irremediable defect in a
writer who aspires to instruct the world.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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