The petitions for representative government, repeated for more than
twenty years, and which strongly interested the sympathy of all classes,
were renewed with increasing hope of success from 1846 to 1850. The
ministers, though admitting the abstract value of the privilege,
hesitated while the great preponderance of convicts seemed to require an
absolute authority. This feeling was not overcome until the accession of
Lord Grey, who saw no danger in conceding to the free population the
common rights of Englishmen. A variety of plans were submitted at
different times to the parliament and ministry, to secure colonial
representation. Mr. Joseph Hume suggested (1832) the admission of a
certain number of representatives chosen in the colonies to seats in the
House of Commons; in all nineteen, one being for Australia,--a measure
once suggested for the old American colonies; but the distance in both
cases, and expenses of transit, would not easily have admitted effective
representation or perfect responsibility. Sir John Franklin suggested
(1839) a legislature, to consist of twenty-one members, one third
nominated by the crown, and the remainder elected by persons holding the
qualification of common jurors. He gave a generous testimony to the
intelligence and probity of the settlers, and alleged that they would
bear comparison with corresponding classes within any dominions of the
crown.[250]
In 1843 the legislature of New South Wales was constituted. Originally a
nominee council, the popular element was infused by two thirds being
elective members. A civil list was reserved, and the disposal of
territorial revenues withheld; but the partial liberty enjoyed was used
with discretion and effect. The bill enjoined the establishment of
district councils, authorised to superintend internal affairs, and to
fulfil many of the functions of municipal bodies. They were, however,
never called into action. The scattered inhabitants found it difficult
to assemble, and more so to reconcile their neighbors to local taxation.
The machinery of the councils was set in motion only to defeat their
design. Thus the legislative body retained in its hands the whole power
which it had been intended to balance and check by the petty councils.
Port Phillip, however, then a part of New South Wales, but more distant
from the metropolis than England from Rome, was represented in a council
sitting at Sydney. The loss of time required disinclined most gentlemen
to undertake the representation, and those chosen were chiefly resident
in New South Wales proper. Their numbers were too small for effectual
action, and their sympathies were divided between their constituents and
their neighbors. The revenues raised at Victoria were expended to some
extent in the elder city, and the superintendent of Port Phillip had
little influence and less power in the government. The popular
dissatisfaction, which led to some unavailing petitions to the crown,
took a curious form.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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