The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical HistoryEggleston, George Cary
History
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History
Eggleston, George Cary
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
It was impossible, in fact, that these things should be done. It
was easy for Congress to resolve that "any reasonable, proper and
constitutional remedies and additional and more specific guarantees"
should be given, but quite another thing to secure the execution of
such a program. One house of Congress vetoed the action of the other
on every such resolution and both refused to put the guarantees
into legal form. Northern sentiment saw and resented in every such
proposition a suggestion of still further concession to that slave
power which Northern sentiment had come to abhor with all the loathing
that is possible to the human mind, and Northern sentiment would have
no part or lot in concession to a system which under compulsion of the
Constitution it might tolerate but to the perpetuation of which it
would on no account lend a hand.
On the other side the extremists of the South asked for no further
guarantees and trusted none that might be offered. They contended that
the guarantees of the Constitution itself had been nullified by the
laws of the Northern States; that every compromise had been broken;
that, as they insisted, Northern sentiment had openly and distinctly
approved of servile insurrection, with all the horror that it must
imply, as a means of abolishing slavery; and that there was no further
hope of reconciliation by virtue of paper guarantees which the Federal
Government had no adequate power to enforce.
The issue had, in fact, been made up and all attempts at compromise
were futile folly. The war to which the country's history and politics
for half a century past had been leading had at last come and the only
real question that remained to be settled was that of who should begin
the actual fighting. That detail was of no real importance.
The South bore its part in all this by-play and coquetry of endeavors
at reconciliation. It sent distinguished men as delegates to plead for
peace at Washington, either, as some of them urged, upon some basis of
compromise or, as others insisted, upon a governmental recognition of
secession as a right and a fact, the recognition of which would indeed
have furnished a peaceful remedy for ills otherwise irremediable, an
easy and peaceful way out of a controversy that otherwise threatened
a savage, brutal and peculiarly devastating war. But that remedy was
obviously and absurdly impossible of adoption in the circumstances then
existing.
Neither side was in the least degree disposed to accept or even
seriously to consider the peace proposals of the other. Neither being
willing to yield a single item of its contention, there was no ground
or chance of compromise. It was clearly understood upon both sides that
war was presently to come.
On both sides there was an active sharpening of swords and a diligent
rubbing up of guns that might prove serviceable in war.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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