The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical HistoryEggleston, George Cary
History
The History of the Confederate War, Its Causes and Its Conduct, Volume 1 (of 2): A Narrative and Critical History
Eggleston, George Cary
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
There were statesmen like Senator Benton who laughed to scorn the
idea that any considerable part of the people could ever seriously
contemplate an assault upon the integrity of the Federal Union, but
that the Union was truly and very gravely in danger subsequent events
conclusively demonstrated.
It was to save the Union from disruption at the hands of Northern or
Southern fanatics--all of whom were threatening that disaster--that
Clay framed, Webster supported, Congress adopted, and the President
approved the compromise measures of 1850.
Those measures covered substantially all the points in controversy. The
bills were five in number.
The first provided for the separation of New Mexico from Texas, with
compensation to Texas, and for the admission of that territory to the
Union as a state when it should become populous enough, with or without
slavery as its own people should at such time determine.
The second set off Utah from California and provided in a precisely
similar manner for its ultimate admission to the Union as a state.
Neither of these two measures ever resulted in anything practical.
Even unto this day New Mexico has remained too sparsely populated for
statehood and Utah was not admitted to the Union until long after the
Constitution of the United States had been so amended as to prohibit
slavery in any part of the Republic.
The third of Clay's compromise bills provided for the admission of
California to the Union as a state under the Constitution which it had
adopted, which made no provision for the existence of slavery within
its borders.
The fourth of the bills was a new and more strenuous fugitive slave law
than any that had ever before existed. It was intended to carry out
the provision of the Constitution of the United States on that subject
and it was supposed to be offset to Northern sentiment by the fifth
of the compromise measures which forbade the slave trade within the
strictly national domain of the District of Columbia.
It had long been a grievance to Northern minds that this peculiarly
national territory, governed as it was exclusively by a Congress
representative of all the states in the Senate and of all their people
in the House, and wholly without any expression of the will of its
inhabitants, was made a slave mart, into which the slave-trader from
Maryland or Virginia could take his chattels for sale on the auction
block to other slave-traders who were there to buy speculatively that
they might sell again to the owners of cotton and rice fields at the
South.
In the North and South there had always been a radical distinction
in men's minds and consciences, between slavery and the slave-trade;
between the holding of men in hereditary bondage under a system
essentially patriarchal and kindly, and the deliberate traffic in human
beings for purposes of speculative profit.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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