The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
The supporters of the stamp act insisted much upon the colonies being
_virtually_ represented, and mentioned _Leeds_, _Halifax_, _Birmingham_,
_Manchester_, &c. as enjoying a _virtual representation_. Whoever had a
recourse to a _virtual representation_ of the colonies, in vindication
of the parliament’s taxing them, therein acknowledged, that there ought
not to be taxation without representation. But the difference between
_Leeds_, _Halifax_, &c. and the _American_ colonies, is as wide as the
_Atlantic_. The landholders of those towns enjoy a real representation,
if their freeholds yield a certain annual income. Many of the
inhabitants have a choice in the election of members, in one place or
another. The general interests of the freeholders and tenants, electors
and non-electors, are so interwoven, that all are liable to be equally
affected by the same common taxes. The one pays the same duty on his
sugar, tea, coffee, and chocolate, as the other. The relative connection
between them, produces what may be called, with a kind of propriety, a
_virtual representation_; answering, though in a lower degree, to what
the family of a freeholder or freeman enjoys. But was all the soil in
the British colonies a man’s freehold, it would not give him a single
vote for any one member of parliament. There is not an individual in
them, who, should he cross the Atlantic, would have a right to vote in
any election, by virtue of any privileges enjoyed in America. He must be
a freeholder of Britain, or a freeman of some British city, borough, or
corporation, and have a British qualification, before he can elect or be
elected. The interests of _America_ and _Britain_ are not interwoven, as
are those of British electors and non-electors. If the British
parliament impose taxes on the Americans, Britons do not bear with them
their part and proportion in the said taxes. The former are burdened
that the latter may be eased. The monies raised have the nature of a
tribute exacted from a conquered people in a slavish dependence, and not
of a tax voluntarily granted by the voice of freemen, through their own
elected representatives, paying scot and lot with themselves, for the
support of government. Beside, the British parliament are so far removed
from America, that they cannot obtain that full information respecting
the colonies which ought always to accompany the exercise of a taxing
power.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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