The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
it was proposed to each of the lawyers singly, _Do you desire that
business should proceed contrary to the act of parliament?_ Every one of
them answered in the negative, even Mr. Otis himself.—But they said, it
would be proper to try a cause or two to quiet the people: accordingly
one cause, which had been at issue before the stamp act took place, was
tried and all other civil business was postponed to the middle of April.
Though the violent and righteous proceedings, which have been noticed,
were severely censured by many; and numbers in all the colonies might
seem inclined to submit to the stamp act, yet the right of imposing it
was universally condemned, and the colonial rights as universally
acceded to by the most peaceably disposed. The resolutions of the
_Pennsylvania_ assembly, which met at _Philadelphia_ in September 1765,
were passed _nemine contradicente_; and left upon their minutes, “as a
testimony of the zeal and ardent desire of that house, to preserve their
inestimable rights, which as _Englishmen_ they possessed ever since the
province was settled, and to transmit them to their latest posterity.”
They “resolved, That the only legal representatives of the inhabitants
of this province, are the persons they annually elect to serve as
members of assembly—Resolved, therefore, That the taxation of the people
of this province by any other persons whatsoever, than such their
representatives in assembly, is unconstitutional, and subversive of
their most valuable rights—Resolved, That the laying of taxes upon the
inhabitants of this province, in any other manner, being naturally
subversive of public liberty, must of necessary consequence, be utterly
destructive of public happiness.”[85] There might not be so many quakers
in the house as usual; the times probably occasioned a larger choice out
of other denominations; but there must have been several, and these we
find acquiesced. These resolutions are as much opposed to the claims of
the British parliament, as are those of the _Massachusetts_ assembly,
passed October the twenty-ninth. Indeed the latter dwell more upon the
unalienable essential rights of mankind, of which these cannot be
divested, consistent with the law of God and nature, by any law of
society; and they evidently mark it out, in their opinion, as one of
those rights, that no man can justly take the property of another
without his consent. They also resolved, that a representation in
parliament of the inhabitants of their province, such as the subjects of
Britain actually enjoy, is impracticable for the subjects in
America.[86]—But both assemblies, though their expressions differed,
agreed in resolving, that the extensions of the court of admiralty
within the provinces, is a most violent infraction of the right of
trials by juries. The resolves of the _Maryland_ and _Connecticut_
assemblies, passed, the one September the twenty-eighth, and the other
November the first, breathed the same spirit.[87]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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