The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 1 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
The govornor, instead of overlooking in his speech, the proceedings of
the towns, has been induced by them to broach the dispute about the
supremacy of the parliament; and has fallen into the snare which
probably some of the politicians had laid for him, expecting to get the
majority of the general court to declare against it. He designed to
recommend himself to the ministry by obtaining a victory: but they will
not thank him for increasing their embarrassments.
[Jan. 25.] The council in their answer, said “The stamp act, with some
preceding and succeeding acts of parliament, subjecting the colonies to
taxes without their consent, was the original cause of all the
uneasiness that has happened since, and has occasioned also an inquiry
into the nature and extent of the authority by which they were made.”
This was the truth. When the stamp act took place, “some people, under
the notion of zeal for liberty, ran into the most excessive
licentiousness, and were guilty in one place and another of the most
lawless, unjust, and tyrannical proceedings; such as pulling down and
destroying houses, abusing persons, endangering men’s lives, destroying
their property, breaking windows, delivering prisoners out of the hands
of justice, putting many into great fear, all contrary to the laws of
the province: but there was nothing of this kind before.”[107] Let me
add, that in all my researches not an instance has occurred to me of the
mob’s having been the death of a single individual, though they might
have proceeded to the most criminal lengths also, had they not been
gratified or diverted from their pursuits. But before that fatal act,
there was not a more loyal, orderly, and peaceable people than the
Americans in general through the whole British empire. All ranks and
conditions gloried in their connection with Great-Britain; rejoiced in
her friendship and protection; and triumphed in her prosperity.
Toward the close of their answer, the house of assembly expressed a
concern at their having been reduced by the speech to the unhappy
alternative, either of appearing by their silence to acquiesce in the
governor’s sentiments as to the supremacy of parliament, or of freely
discussing the point. The house might be concerned, but the leaders were
pleased with the opportunity. The governor replied; and the house in
their rejoinder told him “Although the colony may have submitted _sub
silentio_ to some acts of parliament, that they conceived might operate
for their benefit, they did not conceive themselves bound by any of its
acts which they judged would operate to the injury of individuals.” The
people at large believe, that the house has the best of the argument,
and are confirmed in their opposition to the claims of parliament.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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