collecting the duties, and to procure writs of assistance. The idea of these writs excited a general alarm. A strong jealousy of what might be eventually the effect of them upon the liberties of the people, commenced. They might prove introductory to the most horrid abuses; which the meanest deputy of a deputy’s deputy might practise with impunity, upon a merchant or gentleman of the first character; and there would be the greater danger of such abuses, by reason of the immense distance of the scene of action from the seat of government. The voice of the complainant would not be heard three thousand miles off, after the servants of government had deafened the ears of administration by misrepresentations. From this period may be dated the fixed, uniform, and growing opposition which was made to the ministerial plans of encroaching upon the original rights and long established customs of the colony. In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to the superior courts for such writs. The great opposition that was made to it, and the arguments of Mr. _Otis_, disposed the court to a refusal; but Mr. _Hutchinson_, who had obtained the place of chief justice, prevailed with his brethren to continue the cause till next term; and in the mean time wrote to England, and procured a copy of the writ, and sufficient evidence of the practice of the exchequer there, after which, like writs were granted. But before this was effected, Mr. _Otis_ was chosen one of the representatives for Boston, by the influence of the friends to liberty; whose jealousies there and elsewhere, afterward increased apace, upon hearing that the British officers insisted frequently upon the necessity of regulating and _reforming_, as they stiled it, the colonial governments; and that certain travellers were introduced to particular persons [1762.] with a—“This is a gentleman employed by the earl of _Bute_ to travel the country, and learn what may be proper to be done in the grand plan of _reforming_ the _American governments_.” It was understood that their business was to make thorough observation upon the state of the country, that so the ministry might be enabled to judge what regulations and alterations could safely be made in the police and government of the colonies, in order to their being brought more effectually under the government of parliament. They were also, as much as possible, to conciliate capital and influential characters, to ministerial measures speedily to be adopted. The British ministry have been greatly mistaken, in supposing it is the same in _America_ as in their own country. Do they gain over a gentleman of note and eminence in the colonies, they make no considerable acquisition. He takes few or none with him; and is rather despised than adhered to by former friends. He has not, as in Britain, dependants who must act in conformity to his nod. In _New-England_ especially, individuals are so independent of each