The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
While the general was at Savannah, he wrote a letter, on the 28th of
August, to the French minister, which was committed to Sieur de la
Plaine. In that letter he held up these ideas—That it was the exclusive
commerce of the colonies which empowered Great-Britain to cope with
France—gave to her a decided superiority in the marine department, and
of course enabled her, in the frequent wars between the two nations, to
reduce her rival to the last extremity—that if France can obtain the
monopoly, or the greatest part of this commerce, her opulence, strength
and prosperity, must grow to a prodigious height, and that if America is
enabled to preserve the independence she has now declared, the greatest
part of this commerce must fall to the share of France—that without the
colour of injustice, but on the contrary, only assuming the patronage of
the rights of mankind, France has it now in her power to become not only
the greatest, but the most glorious monarchy which has appeared on the
stage of the world—her possessions in the islands will be secured
against all possibility of attack—the royal revenues immensely
increased—her people eased of her present burdens—an eternal incitement
be presented to their industry—and the means of increase, by the
facility of providing sustenance for their families, multiplied—in
short, there is no saying what degree of eminence, happiness and glory,
she may derive from the independence of this continent—that some
visionary writers have asserted, that could this country once shake off
her European trammels, it would soon become more formidable alone, from
the virtue and energy natural to a young people, than Great-Britain can
be with her colonies united in a state of dependency—but the men who
have built such hypotheses must be utter strangers to the manners,
genius, disposition, turn of mind, and circumstances of the continent.
As long as vast tracts of land remain unoccupied, to which they can send
colonies (if I may so express it) of their offspring, they will never
entertain a thought of marine or manufactures—their ideas are solely
confined to labor, and to plant for those nations who can, on the
cheapest terms, furnish them with the necessary utensils for laboring
and planting, and clothes for their families; and till the whole vast
extent of continent is fully stocked with people, they will never
entertain another idea—that this cannot be effected for ages, and what
may then happen is out of the line of politicians to lay any stress
upon; most probably they will be employed in wars among themselves
before they aim at foreign conquests—that it is worthy of attention,
what will be the consequence should Great-Britain succeed in the present
contest—America will be wretched and enslaved—but a number of slaves may
compose a formidable army and fleet, and the proximity of situation,
with so great a force entirely at the disposal of Great-Britain, will
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