The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that periodGordon, William
History
The history of the rise, progress, and establishment of the independence of the United States of America, Vol. 2 (of 3) : $b Including an account of the late war, and of the thirteen colonies, from their origin to that period
Gordon, William
United States -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
It observed, that
it must have been expected, that the American seamen and fishermen,
being indiscriminately prohibited from the peaceable exercise of their
occupations and declared open enemies, would betake themselves to
plunder, and wreak their vengeance on the commerce of Great-Britain.
After a variety of other observations, it concluded with declaring—“We
should look with the utmost shame and horror, upon any events that would
tend to break the spirit of any part of the British nation, and to bow
them to an abject, unconditional submission to any power whatsoever, to
annihilate their liberties, and to subdue them to servile principles and
passive habits, by the force of foreign mercenary arms; because amidst
the excesses and abuses which have happened, we must respect the spirit
and principles operating in these commotions. Our wish is to regulate,
not to destroy them; for though differing in some circumstances, those
very principles evidently bear so exact an analogy with those which
support the most valuable part of our own constitution, that it is
impossible, with any appearance of justice, to think of wholly
extirpating them by the sword, in any part of the British dominions,
without admitting consequences, and establishing precedents the most
dangerous to the liberties of this kingdom.” Debates pro and con
succeeded. It was the same in the house of lords, where the royal speech
underwent a no less severe scrutiny. Since the declaration of
independence, the debates in parliament are less interesting to the
Americans than formerly, brevity in the account of them will therefore
be most acceptable. The opposition said—“What can ministers mean by
assurances of friendly and pacific sentiments from abroad? Poor
politicians must they be, who depend upon such assurances, in the best
of times, from those quarters whence they now come. Old grudges are not
so easily forgotten; and this nation has every thing to apprehend from
those to whom it has done so much mischief in the last war. Resentment
and ambition will go on hand in hand upon this occasion, and will not
lose so fair an opportunity of revenge, as that which is opened by this
fatal quarrel between Great-Britain and her colonies. The preparations,
of those powers who speak so friendly a language are no secret; their
partiality to the Americans shows their intentions to this country;
their encouragement to the privateers, which are capturing the British
merchantmen, is a sufficient carnest of the designs that are uppermost
in their councils, and is but a prelude to what we are to expect, as
soon as circumstances have brought their plans to maturity. A war with
the whole house of Bourbon, and perhaps with other powers, will be the
inevitable consequence of continuing hostilities in America; but such a
war at present, will no longer resemble those who have formerly waged
with the princes of that family. Powerful as they were at that time,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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