The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)Webb, Sidney
History
The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)
Webb, Sidney
Labor unions -- Great Britain -- History
This delegate meeting, of which there is an excellent report,[212]
lasted for nearly a week. The proceedings were of a remarkably
temperate character, the discussions turning chiefly on the relative
advantages of one supreme executive to be established at Manchester,
and three co-equal national executives for England, Scotland, and
Ireland. No secrecy was attempted. John Doherty,[213] secretary
and leader of the Manchester Cotton-spinners, advocated a central
executive; while Thomas Foster (a man of independent means who
attended the conference at his own expense) favoured a scheme of home
rule. Eventually a “Grand General Union of the United Kingdom” was
established, subject to an annual delegate meeting and three national
committees. The union was to include all male spinners and piecers, the
women and girls being urged to form separate organisations, which were
to receive all the aid of the whole confederation in supporting them
to obtain “men’s prices.” The union was to promote local action for a
further legislative restriction of the hours of labour, to apply to all
persons under 21 years of age. Its income consisted of a contribution
of a penny per week per member, to be levied in addition to the
contribution to the local society. Doherty was general secretary, and
Foster and a certain Patrick McGowan were appointed to organise the
spinners throughout the United Kingdom.
The Boroughreeve and Constables of Manchester, on May 26, 1830,
wrote in alarm to Sir Robert Peel: “The combination of workmen, long
acknowledged a great evil, and one most difficult to counteract, has
recently assumed so formidable and systematic a shape in this district
that we feel it our duty to lay before you some of its most alarming
features.... A committee of delegates from the operative spinners of
the three Kingdoms have established an annual assembly in the Isle
of Man to direct the proceedings of the general body towards their
employers, the orders for which they promulgate to their respective
districts and subcommittees. To these orders the most implicit
deference is shown; and a weekly levy or rent of one penny per head
on each operative is cheerfully paid. This produces a large sum,
and is a powerful engine, and principally to support those who have
turned out against their employers, agreeable to the orders of the
committee, at the rate of ten shillings per week for each person. The
plan of a general turnout having been found to be impolitic, they have
employed it in detail, against particular individuals or districts,
who, attacked thus singly, are frequently compelled to submit to their
terms rather than to the ruin which would ensue to many by allowing
their machinery (in which their whole capital is invested) to stand
idle.”[214]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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