The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)Webb, Sidney
History
The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)
Webb, Sidney
Labor unions -- Great Britain -- History
One result of Roberts’ successful advocacy is perhaps to be seen in
the introduction, during the Parliamentary session of 1844, of a Bill
“for enlarging the powers of justices in determining complaints between
masters, servants, and artificers,” which the Government got referred
to a committee, by which various extraordinary interpolations were made
in what was at first a harmless measure.[314] Not only was any J.P. to
be authorised to issue a warrant for the summary arrest of any workman
complained of by his employer, but “any misbehaviour concerning such
service or employment” was to be punished by two months’ imprisonment,
at the discretion of a single justice. It is easy to see what a wide
interpretation would have been given by many a justice of the peace to
this vague phrase; and Roberts was not slow to point out the danger to
his clients. Upon his incitement the delegate meeting of coal-miners
at Sheffield set on foot a vigorous agitation against the Bill, which
had already slipped through second reading and committee without a
division. The Potters’ Union took the matter up with special vigour,
and circulated draft petitions throughout the Midlands.[315] A friendly
member, Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, obstructed its further progress, and
got it postponed until after the Easter recess. Meanwhile petitions
poured in upon the astonished House, amounting, it was said, to a
total of two hundred, and representing two millions of workmen. When
the Bill came on again all the Radicals and the “Young England” Tories
were marshalled against it. Sir James Graham in vain protested that the
Government meant nothing more than a consolidation of the existing law,
and led into the lobby all his colleagues who were present, including
Mr. Gladstone. But the combination on the other side of Duncombe,
Wakley, Hume, and Ferrand, with Tories like Lord John Manners, and a
few enlightened Whigs such as C. P. Villiers, settled the fate of this
attempt on the part of the employers to sharpen the blunted weapon of
the law against the hated Trade Unions.[316]
The miners were less successful in their strikes than in their legal
and political business. In 1844 their National Conference at Glasgow,
representing 70,000 men, voted, by 28,042 to 23,357, in favour of
striking against their grievances, and the Durham men, numbering some
30,000, engaged in that prolonged struggle with Lord Londonderry
and their other employers for more equitable terms of hiring and
payment, to which we have already alluded.[317] After many months’
embittered strife the strike failed disastrously; and the great
Miners’ Association, whose proceedings form so important a feature of
the _Northern Star_ for 1844 and 1845, gradually disappears from its
pages, and in the general collapse of the coal trade in 1847-8 it came
completely to an end.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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