The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)Webb, Sidney
History
The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)
Webb, Sidney
Labor unions -- Great Britain -- History
The working men had, in fact, picked up the weapon of their opponents
and left these without defence. But in so doing the leading Trade
Unionists of the time drifted into a position no less inconsistent than
that of the employers. When they contended that the Union should be as
free to bargain as the individual, they had not the slightest intention
of permitting the individual to bargain freely if they could prevent
him. Though Allan and Applegarth were able conscientiously to inform
the Royal Commission that the members of their societies did not refuse
to work with non-society men, they must have been perfectly aware
that this convenient fact was only true in those places and at those
periods in which society men were not in a sufficiently large majority
to do otherwise. The trades to which Henry Broadhurst and George
Howell belonged were notorious for the success with which the Unions
had maintained their practice of excluding non-society men from their
jobs. The coal-miners of Northumberland and Durham habitually refused
to descend the shaft in company with a non-Unionist.[439]
We have shown, in our _Industrial Democracy_, that this universal
aspiration of Trade Unionism--the enforcement of membership--stands,
in our opinion, on the same footing as the enforcement of citizenship.
But, however this may be, it is evident that the refusal of the
Northumberland miners to “ride” with non-society men is, in effect,
as coercive on the dissentient minority as the Mines Regulation Act
or an Eight Hours Bill. The insistence upon the Englishman’s right
to freedom of contract was, in fact, in the mouths of staunch Trade
Unionists, perilously near cant; and we find Frederic Harrison himself,
when dealing with other legislation, warning them that it would be
suicidal for working men to adopt as their own the capitalist cry of
“non-interference.”[440] The force of this caution must have been
evident to the Junta, who had had too much experience of the workings
of modern industry not to realise the need for a compulsory maintenance
of the Standard of Life. No Trade Unionist can deny that, without some
method of enforcing the decision of the majority, effective trade
combination is impossible.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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