The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)Webb, Sidney
History
The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)
Webb, Sidney
Labor unions -- Great Britain -- History
Towards the end of the century the governing classes, who had found
in the new industrial policy a source of enormous pecuniary profit,
eagerly seized on the new economic theory as an intellectual and
moral justification of that policy. The abandonment of the operatives
by the law, previously resorted to under pressure of circumstances,
and, as we gather, not without some remorse, was now carried out on
principle, with unflinching determination. When the handloom-weavers,
earning little more than a third of the livelihood they had gained
ten years before, and unable to realise that the factory system would
be deliberately allowed to ruin them, made themselves heard in the
House of Commons in 1808, a Committee reported against their proposal
to fix a minimum rate of wages on the ground that it was “wholly
inadmissible in principle, incapable of being reduced to practice by
any means which can possibly be devised, and, if practicable, would be
productive of the most fatal consequences”; and “that the proposition
relative to the limiting the number of apprentices is also entirely
inadmissible, and would, if adopted by the House, be attended with the
greatest injustice to the manufacturer as well as to the labourer.”[98]
Here we have _laisser-faire_ fully established in Parliament as an
authoritative industrial doctrine of political economy, able to
overcome the great bulk of the evidence given before this Committee,
which was decidedly in favour of the minimum wage. The House of Commons
had no lack of opportunities for educating itself on the question. The
special misery caused by bad harvests and the prolonged war between
1793 and 1815[99] brought a rush of appeals, especially from the newly
established associations of cotton operatives. In the early years of
the present century petition after petition poured in from Lancashire
and Glasgow, showing that the rates for weaving had steadily declined,
and reiterating the old demands for a legally fixed scale of piecework
rates and the limitation of apprentices. In 1795, and again in 1800,
and once more in 1808, Bills fixing a minimum rate were introduced into
the House of Commons, sometimes meeting with considerable favour. The
report of the Committee of 1808, which took voluminous evidence on the
subject, has already been quoted. Petitions from the calico-printers
for a legal limitation of the number of apprentices, although warmly
supported by the Select Committee to which they were referred, met with
the same fate. Sheridan, indeed, was not convinced, and brought in a
Bill proposing, among other things, to limit the number of apprentices.
But Sir Robert Peel (the elder), whose own factories swarmed with boys,
opposed it in the name of industrial freedom, and carried the House of
Commons with him.[100]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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