The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)Webb, Sidney
History
The History of Trade Unionism: (Revised edition, extended to 1920)
Webb, Sidney
Labor unions -- Great Britain -- History
It was in watching the effect of the Combination Laws in his own
trade that Place became converted to their repeal. The special laws
of 1720 and 1767, fixing the wages of journeymen tailors, as well
as the general law of 1800 against all combinations, had failed to
regulate wages, to prevent strikes, or to hinder those masters who
wished in times of pressure to engage skilled men, from offering the
bribe of high piecework rates, or even time wages in excess of the
legal limit. Place gave evidence as a master tailor before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons which inquired into the subject in
1810; and it was chiefly his weighty testimony in favour of freedom of
contract that averted the fresh legal restrictions which a combination
of employers was then openly promoting.[170] This experience of the
practical freedom of employers to combine intensified Place’s sense
of the injustice of denying a like freedom to the journeymen, whilst
the brutal prosecution of the compositors of the _Times_ in the same
year brought home to his mind the severity of the law. Four years
later (1814), as he himself tells us, he “began to work seriously to
procure a repeal of the laws against combinations of workmen, but
for a long time made no visible progress.” The employers were firmly
convinced that combinations of wage-earners would succeed in securing
a great rise of wages, to the serious detriment of profits. Far from
contemplating a repeal of the Act of 1800, they were in 1814 and 1816
pestering the Home Secretary for legislation of greater stringency
as the only safeguard for their “freedom of enterprise.”[171] The
politicians were equally certain that Trade Union action would
raise prices, and thus undermine the foreign trade upon which the
prosperity and international influence of England depended. The
working men themselves afforded in the first instance no assistance.
Those who had suffered legal prosecution were hopeless of redress
from an unreformed Parliament, and offered no support. One trade,
the Spitalfields silk-weavers, supported the Government because they
enjoyed what they deemed to be the advantage of legal protection from
the lowering of wages by competition.[172] Others were suspicious of
the intervention of one who was himself an employer, and who had not
yet gained recognition as a friend to labour. But Place was undismayed
by hostility and indifference. Knowing that with an English public
the strength of his cause would lie, not in any abstract reasoning
or appeal to natural rights, but in an enumeration of actual cases
of injustice, he made a point of obtaining the particulars of every
trade dispute. He intervened, as he says, in every strike, sometimes
as a mediator, sometimes as an ally of the journeymen. He opened up a
voluminous correspondence with Trade Unions throughout the kingdom,
and wrote innumerable letters to the newspapers. In 1818 he secured a
useful medium in the _Gorgon_,[173] a little working-class political
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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