Subsequent Popes knew better than to apply to the chiefs of
Saxon and Franconian chivalry language which the feeble Neustrian had
not resented; but the precedent remained, the weapon was only hid
behind the pontifical robe to be flashed out with effect when the
moment should come. There were also two other great steps which papal
power had taken. By the invention and adoption of the False Decretals
it had provided itself with a legal system suited to any emergency,
and which gave it unlimited authority through the Christian world in
causes spiritual and over persons ecclesiastical. Canonistical
ingenuity found it easy in one way or another to make this include all
causes and persons whatsoever: for crime is always and wrong is often
sin, nor can aught be anywhere done which may not affect the clergy.
On the gift of Pipin and Charles, repeated and confirmed by Lewis I,
Charles II, Otto I and III, and now made to rest on the more venerable
authority of the first Christian Emperor, it could found claims to the
sovereignty of Rome, Tuscany, and all else that had belonged to the
exarchate. Indefinite in their terms, these grants were never meant by
the donors to convey full dominion over the districts--that belonged
to the head of the Empire--but only as in the case of other church
estates, a perpetual usufruct or _dominium utile_. They were, in fact,
mere endowments. Nor had the gifts been ever actually reduced into
possession: the Pope had been hitherto the victim, not the lord, of
the neighbouring barons. They were not, however, denied, and might be
made a formidable engine of attack: appealing to them, the Pope could
brand his opponents as unjust and impious; and could summon nobles and
cities to defend him as their liege lord, just as, with no better
original right, he invoked the help of the Norman conquerors of Naples
and Sicily.
The attitude of the Roman Church to the imperial power at Henry the
Third's death was externally respectful. The right of a German king to
the crown of the city was undoubted, and the Pope was his lawful
subject. Hitherto the initiative in reform had come from the civil
magistrate. But the secret of the pontiff's strength lay in this: he,
and he alone, could confer the crown, and had therefore the right of
imposing conditions on its recipient. Frequent interregna had weakened
the claim of the Transalpine monarch and prevented his power from
taking firm root; his title was never by law hereditary: the holy
Church had before sought and might again seek a defender elsewhere.
And since the need of such defence had originated this transference of
the Empire from the Greeks to the Franks, since to render it was the
Emperor's chief function, it was surely the Pope's duty as well as his
right to see that the candidate was capable of fulfilling his task, to
degrade him if he rejected or misperformed it.
[Sidenote: Hildebrandine reforms.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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