So far Rome's condition was like that of the other great towns of
Italy and Gaul. But in two points her case differed from theirs, and
to these the difference of her after fortunes may be traced. Her
bishop had no temporal potentate to overshadow his dignity or check
his ambition, for the vicar of the Eastern court lived far away at
Ravenna, and seldom interfered except to ratify a papal election or
punish a more than commonly outrageous sedition. Her population
received an all but imperceptible infusion of that Teutonic blood and
those Teutonic customs by whose stern discipline the inhabitants of
northern Italy were in the end renovated. Everywhere the old
institutions had perished of decay: in Rome alone there was nothing
except the ecclesiastical system out of which new ones could arise.
Her condition was therefore the most pitiable in which a community can
find itself, one of struggle without purpose or progress. The citizens
were divided into three orders: the military class, including what was
left of the ancient aristocracy; the clergy, a host of priests, monks
and nuns, attached to the countless churches and convents; and the
people or _plebs_, as they are called, a poverty-stricken rabble
without trade, without industry, without any municipal organization to
bind them together. Of these two latter classes the Pope was the
natural leader, the first was divided into factions headed by some
three or four of the great families, whose quarrels kept the town in
incessant bloodshed. The internal history of Rome from the sixth to
the twelfth century is an obscure and tedious record of the contest of
these factions with each other, and of the aristocracy as a whole with
the slowly growing power of the Church.
[Sidenote: Her condition in the ninth and tenth centuries.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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