have been nothing culpable in this had they not at the same time
continued to entangle Germany in wars with which she had no concern:
to waste her strength in tedious combats with the Turks, or plunge her
into a new struggle with France, not to defend her frontiers or
recover the lands she had lost, but that some scion of the house of
Hapsburg might reign in Spain or Italy. Watching the whole course of
their foreign policy, marking how in A.D. 1736 they had bartered away
Lorraine for Tuscany, a German for a non-German territory, and seeing
how at home they opposed every scheme of reform which could in the
least degree trench upon their own prerogative, how they strove to
obstruct the imperial chamber lest it should interfere with their own
Aulic council, men were driven to separate the body of the Empire from
the imperial office and its possessors[383], and when plans for
reinvigorating the one failed, to leave the others to their fate.
Still the old line clung to the crown with that Hapsburg gripe which
has almost passed into a proverb. Odious as Austria was, no one could
despise her, or fancy it easy to shake her commanding position in
Europe. Her alliances were fortunate: her designs were steadily
pursued: her dismembered territories always returned to her. Though
the throne continued strictly elective, it was impossible not to be
influenced by long prescription. Projects were repeatedly formed to
set the Hapsburgs aside by electing a prince of some other line[384],
or by passing a law that there should never be more than two, or four,
successive Emperors of the same house. France[385] ever and anon
renewed her warnings to the electors, that their freedom was passing
from them, and the sceptre becoming hereditary in one haughty family.
But it was felt that a change would be difficult and disagreeable, and
that the heavy expense and scanty revenues of the Empire required to
be supported by larger patrimonial domains than most German princes
possessed. The heads of states like Prussia and Hanover, states whose
size and wealth would have made them suitable candidates, were
Protestants, and so excluded both by the connexion of the imperial
office with the Church, and by the majority of Roman Catholics in the
electoral college[386], who, however jealous they might be of Austria,
were led both by habit and sympathy to rally round her in moments of
peril. The one occasion on which these considerations were disregarded
shewed their force. On the extinction of the male line of Hapsburg in
the person of Charles the Sixth, the intrigues of the French envoy,
Marshal Belleisle, procured the election of Charles Albert of Bavaria,
who stood first among the Catholic princes. His reign was a succession
of misfortunes and ignominies. Driven from Munich by the Austrians,
the head of the Holy Empire lived in Frankfort on the bounty of
France, cursed by the country on which his ambition had brought the
miseries of a protracted war[387].
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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