Henry Street Settlement (New York, N.Y.); Poor -- New York (State) -- New York
During any election campaign the swarming, gesticulating, serious-looking
street crowds of our neighborhood are multiplied and intensified.
Orators, not a few small boys among them, appear on nearly every street
corner, and an observer might almost measure the forces that influence
the people by the number and character of the orators, the appeals upon
which they base their hope of approval at the polls, and the reaction of
the crowds that surround them.
Pleas supported by reasonable show of argument are likely to find
intelligent response, although, as is but natural, the judgment of a
temperamental people is at times not clearly defined. During the recent
almost riotous support of a Governor who had been impeached (it was
generally believed at the behest of an irritated “boss” to whom he
had refused obedience) many New Yorkers who had come to count upon the
East Side for insight and understanding were perplexed at what seemed
hero-worship of a man against whom charges of misappropriation of funds
had been sustained. Those who knew the people discerned an emotional
desire for justice mingled with some gratitude to the man who, while in
Congress, had kept faith with his constituents on matters vital to them.
Stopping at a sidewalk stand on Second Avenue, I asked the owner what it
was all about. “Oh,” said he, “Sulzer ain’t being punished now for bein’
bad. Murphy’s hittin’ him for the good he done.”
[Illustration]
Our first realization of the dominating influence of political control
upon the individual and collective life of the neighborhood came,
naturally enough, through the gossip of our new acquaintances when we
came to live downtown, and we were not long oblivious to the power
invested in quite ordinary men whom we met.
Two distinguished English visitors to America, keen students and
historians of social movements, expressed a desire to learn of the
methods of Tammany Hall from someone in its inner councils. A luncheon
with a well-known and continuous officeholder was arranged by a mutual
friend. When my interest was first aroused in the political life of the
city this man’s position in the party had been cited as an example of
the astuteness of the “Boss.” He had revolted against certain conditions
and had shown remarkable ability in building up an opposition within the
party. Ever after he had enjoyed unchallenged some high-salaried office.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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