The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
And that, you understand, means a loss of a _market_—of a market of five
million people—a population equal to that of the Dominion of Canada. And
of course, therefore, those whose work it has been to supply these
people, will be out of work, and likewise those who supply the
suppliers. And even this is by far the least of the consequences; for
another part of our domestic market depends upon the fact that our
workingmen too have been able to form trusts. And when this period of
depression comes, their trusts will fall to pieces, and competition will
begin again—a process which they will find all the brickbats and
dynamite in the country cannot check. The employers will, of course, be
straining every nerve to make ends meet; and so wages will go down, and
when strikes are declared, the starving workingman will “scab” and the
strikes will fail. We shall have riots, and perhaps gatling guns in our
streets, but the wages will go down; and step by step as the wages go
down, consumption goes down, with the loss of another Dominion of
Canada. When the thing is once started, it will be an avalanche that no
power upon earth can stop; and it will be the beginning of the
Revolution.
The word has an ominous sound. The reader thinks of street battles and
barricades. By a Revolution I mean the complete transfer of the economic
and political power of the country from the hands of the present
exploiting class to the hands of the whole people; and in the
accomplishment of this purpose the people will proceed, as in everything
else they do, along the line of least resistance. It is very much less
trouble to cast a ballot than it is to go out in the streets and shoot:
and our people are used to the ballot method. However, the staid and
respectable _Harper’s Weekly_, which calls itself a “Journal of
Civilisation,” suggested in 1896 that if Mr. Bryan were elected, it
might be necessary for the propertied classes to keep him out of office.
If anything of that sort is attempted in this coming crisis, why then
there will be violence—just as there will be in such countries as
Germany and Russia, which have yet to learn to let the people have their
own way. The worst feature of the situation with us is that we have
gotten into the habit of letting our elections be carried by bribery;
and that is likely to play us some ugly tricks in this new emergency.
The reader perhaps objects to my theory that this change must come with
suddenness. It is such a tremendous change—and would it not be better if
it were brought about little by little? Undoubtedly it would have been a
great deal better; but the time to begin was ten or twenty years ago.
Now the horse is stolen, and we are venting all our energies, and cannot
even succeed in getting the stable-door locked afterward.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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