The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
However, the advisability of Municipal Ownership under present
conditions is a purely academic question, for the reason that the
capitalist will never give us a chance to try it. The capitalist is in
possession, and he “stands pat.” When you talk about “reform,” he will
make you as many fine speeches and deliver you as many moral discourses
as you wish; but when it comes to giving up any dollars—he has spent all
his lifetime learning to hold on to his dollars.
You are thinking, perhaps, of President Roosevelt, who is hailed as a
successful reformer. In the first place, it is of importance to point
out that President Roosevelt is a complete anomaly in our political
life; he was probably the last Republican in the country who would have
been selected to rule us. He made himself governor by a shrewd device
called “the Rough Riders;” he was made President for the first time by
the bullet of an assassin, and the second time by the death of Mark
Hanna. By a series of such blind chances as these the people have been
given a chance to vote for what they want, and they of course have
seized the chance. But assuredly it was no part of the “System’s” plan
to ask them what they wanted, nor even to let them find out what they
wanted themselves.
Under the peculiar circumstances, there has been nothing for the
“System” to do but make sure that the President accomplishes nothing;
and that it has done as a matter of course. In saying this, let me
remind the reader once more of my distinction between moral revolt and
economic remedy. I have no wish to under-estimate the tremendous
importance of President Roosevelt’s services in awakening the people;
but I say that so far as actual concrete accomplishment is concerned, he
might just as well never have lifted a finger. In one case, that of the
suit against the Paper Trust, he did effect a lowering of prices; but in
that case he was simply a pawn in the struggle between two trusts—of
which the Newspaper Trust proved to be the stronger. In no case where
the people alone were concerned has he effected any economic change
whatever. The Northern Securities decision was evaded by another device;
the Beef Trust and the Standard Oil suits ended with nominal fines. Over
the rate regulation question we had two years’ agitation—and not one
single rate has been lowered. In the struggle for life-insurance reform,
to which the President gave all his moral support, a few grafting
officials were hounded to death; but the real and vital evil, the
exploitation of the surplus for purposes of stock-manipulation, was
scarcely even touched upon. And then came the Chicago packing-house
scandals—and I can speak with some knowledge of them. Sometimes, when I
look back upon them, it seems like a dream—I can hardly believe that I
ever played my part in that cosmic farce. Only think of it—we had the
President and Congress and all the newspapers of the country discussing
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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