The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
It was good fun for Mr. Hearst to do this. Watching his newspapers, what
has struck me most is the sheer audacity of them. Audacity is his
characteristic quality, and it is a characteristic American quality—it
places him among our national treasures, along with Mark Twain, and P.
T. Barnum, and Buffalo Bill, and the Mississippi steamboats with the
“nigger on the safety-valve.”
I am told by friends of Mr. Hearst that his instinct from the start was
for democracy. If so, so much the better; but it is not necessary to my
hypothesis. A newspaper has to have editorial opinions; and they had
best be opinions that please its readers. If we are to publish a paper
for the masses to read, we must also voice the hopes and the longings of
the masses.
So Mr. Hearst turned traitor to his class. He seems to have done this
instinctively, and without pangs. I find, what is very singular and
striking, that the members of his own class hate him, not only publicly,
but personally. It seems to have pleased him to defy _all_ their
conventions. I was told, for example, that when he first came to New
York, he made himself a scandal in the “Tenderloin.” I was perplexed
about that, for the members of our “second generation” are generally
well known in the Tenderloin, and nobody calls it a scandal. But one
young society man who had known Hearst well gave me the reason—and he
spoke with real gravity: “It wasn’t what he did—we all do it: but it was
the way he did. He didn’t take the trouble to hide what he did.”
I have made clear in this book my belief that the masses are driven to
revolt by the pressure of stern and ruthless economic force. They were
ignorant and helpless, and among our men of wealth and power there was
no one to help them—there was no one among all our intellectual leaders
to voice their wrongs. They were left to help themselves—so what more
natural than that it should occur to some enterprising young millionaire
to leap into the breach? There was endless excitement and notoriety to
be won—and at the end, perhaps, power of a new and quite incredible
sort.
You will observe that I am taking, deliberately, the lowest possible
view. I am dealing with material conditions and picturing a material
remedy for them. My point is, that whatever he may be personally, Mr.
Hearst is mortgaged, body and soul, to the course to which he has given
himself; not only his public reputation, but his entire fortune, is in
his newspapers, and the public is the master of his newspapers. He has
conjured a storm which he cannot possibly control—he must play out to
the end the part he has chosen.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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