The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
These which have been described are the positive and more genial aspects
of the bourgeois civilisation; the savage and terrible remain to be
mentioned. For it must be understood that this civilisation of comfort
and respectability furnishes its good things only to a class, and to an
exceedingly small class. The majority of mankind it pens up in filthy
hovels and tenements, to feed upon husks and rot in misery. This was
once easy, but now it is growing harder—and thus little by little the
_bourgeoisie_ is losing its temper. Just now it is like a fat poodle by
a stove—you think it is asleep and venture to touch it, when quick as a
flash it has put its fangs in you to the bone.
The bourgeois civilisation is, in one word, an organised system of
repression. In the physical world it has the police and the militia, the
bludgeon, the bullet, and the jail; in the world of ideas it has the
political platform, the school, the college, the press, the church—and
literature. The bourgeois controls these things precisely as he controls
the labour of society, by his control of the purse-strings. Unless
proper candidates are named by political parties, there are no campaign
funds; unless proper teachers and college presidents are chosen, there
are no endowments. Thus it happens that our students are taught a
political economy carefully divorced, not merely from humanity, but also
from science, history, and sense; any other kind of political economy
the student sometimes despises—more commonly he does not even know that
it exists. And it is just the same with the churches and with theology.
We have at present established in this land a religion which exists in
the name of the world’s greatest revolutionist, the founder of the
Socialist movement; this man denounced the bourgeois and the bourgeois
ideal more vehemently than ever it has since been denounced—declaring in
plain words that no bourgeois could get into Heaven; and yet his church
is to-day, in all its forms, and in every civilised land, the main
pillar of bourgeois society!
With the press the bourgeois has a still more direct method than
endowment; the press he owns. All the daily newspapers in New York, for
instance, are the property of millionaires, and are run by them in their
own interests, exactly the same as their stables or their _cuisine_.
That does not mean, of course, that many of their journalistic menials
are not sincere—it does not mean that the college presidents and
clergymen may not be sincere. One of the quaintest things about the
bourgeois editor, the bourgeois college president, the bourgeois
clergyman, is the whole-souled naïveté with which he takes it for
granted that just as all civilisation exists for the comfort of the
bourgeois, so also all truth must necessarily be such as the bourgeois
would desire it to be.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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