The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years henceSinclair, Upton
History
The industrial republic: a study of the America of ten years hence
Sinclair, Upton
Socialism -- United States; United States -- Economic conditions -- 1865-1918; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
There is, if one had only time to point it out, no tiniest nook of our
society where human lives are not being ground up for profit; the
capitalists are ground up, as Mr. Schwab was, and the meanest woman of
the town shares his fate. There was a time when a prostitute was an
independent person, who could support herself until she grew old;
nowadays, under the stress of competition, every city has its
prostitution trust. It takes capital to pay the police, and the business
is therefore in the hands of the proprietors of houses, who buy young
girls out of the slums and immigrant population by thousands and tens of
thousands, use them up in a year or two, and then fling them out into
the gutters to die, often when they are not out of their teens. In the
same way the gambler and the saloon-keeper are now as much employees as
are the officials of the Standard Oil Company: the whole profits of
these occupations flowing into the hands of some “captain of industry”
as inevitably as all the rills on the mountain-side flow into the river.
All of these facts are perfectly familiar, but for the sake of
concreteness, I will quote a paragraph from Mr. Steffens’s book, “The
Shame of the Cities.” He is telling of the city of Pittsburg:
“The vice-graft ... is a legitimate business, conducted, not by the
police, but in an orderly fashion by syndicates, and the chairman of one
of the parties at the last election, said it was worth two hundred and
fifty thousand dollars a year. I saw a man who was laughed at for
offering seventeen thousand five hundred dollars for the slot-machine
concession; he was told that it was let for much more. ‘Speakeasies’
(unlicensed drinking places) pay so well that when they earn five
hundred dollars or more in twenty-four hours their proprietors often
make a bare living. Disorderly houses are managed by ward syndicates.
Permission is had from the syndicate real-estate agent, who alone can
rent them. The syndicate hires a house from the owners at, say,
thirty-five dollars a month, and he lets it to a woman at from
thirty-five to fifty dollars a week. For furniture, the tenant must go
to the ‘official furniture-man,’ who delivers one thousand dollars worth
of ‘fixings’ for a note for three thousand dollars, on which high
interest must be paid. For beer the tenant must go to the ‘official
bottler,’ and pay two dollars for a one-dollar case of beer; for wines
and liquors to the ‘official liquor-commissioner,’ who charges ten
dollars for five dollars’ worth; for clothes to the ‘official
wrapper-maker.’ These women may not buy shoes, hats, jewellery, or any
other luxury or necessity except from the official concessionaries, and
then only at the official, monopoly prices.”
And by way of conclusion, in reference to this particular aspect of the
consequences of the “increasing mass of capital,” let me quote the
following little incident, which a friend of mine clipped from one of
the New York newspapers:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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