The Inquisition: A Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Power of the ChurchVacandard, E. (Elphège)
History
The Inquisition: A Critical and Historical Study of the Coercive Power of the Church
Vacandard, E. (Elphège)
Inquisition -- History
Innocent VIII assuredly had no intention of committing the Church to
a belief in the phenomena he mentioned in his bull, but his personal
opinion did leave an influence upon the canonists and Inquisitors of
his day; this is clear from the trials for witchcraft held during
this period.[1] It is impossible to estimate the number of sorcerers
condemned. Louis of Paramo triumphantly declared that in a century
and a half the Holy Office sent to the stake over thirty thousand.[2]
Of course we must take such round numbers with a grain of salt, as
they always are greatly exaggerated. But the fact remains that the
condemnations for sorcery were so numerous as to stagger belief. The
Papacy itself recognized the injustice of its agents. For in 1637
instructions were issued stigmatizing the conduct of the Inquisitors
on account of their arbitrary and unjust prosecution of sorcerers;
they were accused of extorting from them by cruel tortures
confessions that were valueless, and of abandoning them to the
secular arm without sufficient cause.[1]
[1] Pignatelli, _Consultationes novissimæ canonicæ, Venetiis_, 2 in
fol., vol. i, p. 505, _Consultatio_ 123.
. . . . . . . .
Confiscation, though not so severe a penalty as the stake, bore very
heavily upon the victims of the Inquisition. The Roman laws classed
the crime of heresy with treason, and visited it with a principal
penalty, death, and a secondary penalty, confiscation. They decreed
that all heretics, without exception, forfeited their property the
very day they wavered in the faith. Actual confiscation of goods did
not take place in the case of those penitents who had deserved no
severer punishment than temporary imrisonment. Bernard Gui answered
those who objected to this ruling, by showing that, as a matter of
fact, there was no real pecuniary loss involved. For, he argued:
"Secondary penances are inflicted only upon those heretics who
denounce their accomplices. But, by this denunciation, they ensure
this discovery and arrest of the guilty ones, who, without their aid,
would have escaped punishment; the goods of these heretics are at
once confiscated, which is certainly a positive gain."[1] Actual
confiscation took place in the case of all obdurate and relapsed
heretics abandoned to the secular arm, with all penitents condemned
to perpetual imprisonment, and with all suspects who had managed to
escape the Inquisition, either by flight or by death. The heretic who
died peacefully in bed before the Inquisition could lay hands upon
him was considered contumacious, and treated as such; his remains
were exhumed, and his property confiscated. This last fact accounts
for the incredible frequency of prosecutions against the dead. Of the
six hundred and thirty-six cases tried by Bernard Gui, eighty-eight
were posthumous. As a general rule, the confiscation of the heretic's
property, which so frequently resulted from the trials of the
Inquisition, had a great deal to do with the interest they aroused.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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