The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishmentNickerson, Hoffman
History
The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishment
Nickerson, Hoffman
Albigenses; Christian heresies -- History -- Middle Ages, 600-1500; Inquisition; Prohibition
Geographically, his position was strong. Of the two centres of his
power, Beziers and Carcassonne, Beziers preserved his communication
with the east, and, when war broke out, would help to cut off
Toulouse from the Rhône valley. Carcassonne was the capital strategic
point of the whole theatre of war, commanding as it did the main
Narbonne-Toulouse road from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. All
considerable west-bound traffic headed for Toulouse coming from as
far north as Belfort or Dijon would naturally pass under the walls
of Carcassonne. To do otherwise meant either a vast circuit by
Limoges or a struggle with the mountains of Auvergne. Similarly,
the main route to Toulouse from the south was, and is, around the
Mediterranean end of the Pyrenees, north to Narbonne and west by
Carcassonne. A man starting from as far west as Saragossa, or in
winter from far to the west of that point, would normally travel
thus. An alternative route existed by way of the Cerdagne: once over
that pass a road led north-east to Perpignan, and north-west by the
Puymorens to Foix and Pamiers. Its grades were steep, but traffic
could use it well enough at most seasons of the year. De Montfort’s
garrison at Pamiers, one of the strongholds occupied during the panic
caused by the great crusading army, threatened the Cerdagne route.
Should he gain Foix, he could close it almost altogether. From Albi,
the fourth of his main strongholds, he could threaten Toulouse from
the north-east, and, perhaps, operate in the Agen and the Cahors
districts.
Nevertheless, as he considered his position, he had military and
political difficulties enough to appal a weaker man. His military
resources were small. The crusading army had scattered to their
homes, leaving him with a mere remnant of about four thousand
five-hundred effectives, mostly Burgundians and Germans. The
crusading leaders had sworn to come and help him at need, but none
knew better than he how slight was the chance of their willingness
or even of their power to do so. Indeed, one is forced to believe
that so hard-headed a zealot asked for the promise more to keep
their goodwill by emphasizing his humility and comparative weakness
than for any other reason. He could count only upon such crusaders
as might chance to come from time to time for a forty days’ tour of
duty, and, permanently, upon those whom he was able to pay or to
attach to himself by gifts of lands and castles. Moreover, he knew
that many of his new southern vassals were bitterly hostile to him,
and he himself had alienated moderate opinion by sailing very close
to the wind of dishonour in accepting this new viscounty, won by
massacre, and made vacant for him (as many believed and whispered) by
poison.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account