The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishmentNickerson, Hoffman
History
The Inquisition : $b a political and military study of its establishment
Nickerson, Hoffman
Albigenses; Christian heresies -- History -- Middle Ages, 600-1500; Inquisition; Prohibition
The passage of the Eighteenth Amendment has not ended the Prohibition
movement in America. So far, the task of enforcement has proved
impossible. Probably there has been some appreciable reduction in the
amount of fermented and distilled liquors consumed. Certainly the
price of liquor has increased and its quality has deteriorated. No
man can foretell the future: prophets are the jesters of posterity.
Given the extreme difficulty of repealing a constitutional amendment
(repeal would require a majority of two-thirds in the United States
Senate, and again in the Federal House of Representatives, and
after that a favourable vote in both branches of the legislature
in three-fourths of the States) it seems probable that the
Eighteenth Amendment will remain upon the statute books at least
for a considerable time. However, there is already one amendment,
the fifteenth, intended to secure the franchise to the negroes of
the South, which slumbers on the statute books. At present, the
Prohibition Amendment is a farce throughout many populous States,
and the burdened taxpayer is loaded with the salaries of enforcement
officials. The position of these enforcement officials somewhat
resembles that of the Viking pirates of the ninth century. They
have an enormous territory which they can raid almost at will, and
throughout which they can annoy the inhabitants. But they are so few
that, even with the enormous powers of movement and communication at
the disposal of a modern Government, they are unable to constrain
the activities of the millions among whom they operate. Like the
old pirates again, these officials can frequently be bribed into
harmlessness. Meanwhile, it is still possible to believe, if anyone
desires to do so, that the immemorial traditions of Christendom will
yield to a written law backed up by a handful of officials.
The spectacle is of absorbing interest to the student of history, who
personifies the memory of the race. In his more sanguine moods he
sees the gently sloping vineyards by Loire, he hears Rabelais roaring
with laughter from his deep lungs, and he looks forward to a happy
confounding of fools. Again he feels an antique paganism settle down
upon him like a grey mist, and he remembers the vengeance of the Gods
as Euripides has told it in the “Hippolytus” and, above all, in the
“Bacchæ.” For the student of history knows that the forces of our
human nature, which the ancients personified as Gods, are immortal.
Man may persecute but cannot kill them, and under his persecution
they become demons who turn and rend him, as Savonarola and the old
English Puritans found. Even St. Francis’ death-bed was darkened a
little by his memory of his own austerities. “I have sinned,” he
said, “against my brother the ass.” And what were the voluntary
sufferings of a monk or of all monks put together, as sins against
“the Gods” of life, compared with the deliberate, forcible, attempt
to teetotalize a whole nation?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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