The Irish Guards in the Great War, Volume 2 (of 2) : $b The Second Battalion and AppendicesKipling, Rudyard
History
The Irish Guards in the Great War, Volume 2 (of 2) : $b The Second Battalion and Appendices
Kipling, Rudyard
Great Britain. Army. Irish Guards -- History; World War, 1914-1918 -- Regimental histories -- Great Britain
Gloucester regiment relieved what was left of the 2nd Irish Guards
and the Coldstream, after three days and three nights of fighting and
digging during most of which time they were practically surrounded.
The Battalion’s casualties were twenty-seven killed, a hundred
missing and a hundred and twenty-three wounded; four officers killed
(Captain E. D. Dent, Acting Captain M. B. Levy, Lieutenants J. C.
Maher and M. R. FitzGerald); three wounded in the fighting (Captain
Bambridge, 2nd Lieutenants F. S. L. Smith and A. A. Tindall) as well
as Captain C. Moore on the 16th, and Lieutenant Lord Settrington and
2nd Lieutenant M. B. Cassidy among the missing.
Vieux-Berquin had been a battle, in the open, of utter fatigue and
deep bewilderment, but with very little loss of morale or keenness,
and interspersed with amazing interludes of quiet in which men found
and played upon pianos in deserted houses, killed and prepared to
eat stray chickens, and were driven forth from their music or their
meal by shells or the sputter of indefatigable machine-guns. Our
people did not attach much importance to the enemy infantry, but
spoke with unqualified admiration of their machine-gunners. The
method of attack was uniformly simple. Machine-guns working to a
flank enfiladed our dug-in line, while field-guns hammered it flat
frontally, sometimes even going up with the assaulting infantry.
Meanwhile, individual machine-guns crept forward, using all shelters
and covers, and turned up savagely in rear of our defence. Allowing
for the fact that trench-trained men cannot at a moment’s notice
develop the instinct of open fighting and an eye for the lie of land;
allowing also for our lack of preparation and sufficient material,
liberties such as the enemy took would never have been possible in
the face of organised and uniform opposition. Physically, those
three days were a repetition, and, morally, a repercussion of the
Somme crash. The divisions concerned in it were tired, and “fed-up.”
Several of them had been bucketed up from the Somme to this front
after punishing fights where they had seen nothing but failure, and
heard nothing but talk of further withdrawals for three weeks past.
The only marvel is that they retired in any effective shape at all,
for they felt hopeless. The atmosphere of spent effort deepened and
darkened through all the clearing-stations and anxious hospitals,
till one reached the sea, where people talked of evacuating the whole
British force and concentrating on the Channel ports. It does not
help a wounded man, half-sunk in the coma of his first injection, to
hear nurses, doctors, and staff round him murmur: “Well, I suppose
we shall have to clear out pretty soon.” As one man said: “’Twasn’t
bad at the front because we knew we were doing something, but the
hospitals were enough to depress a tank. We kept _on_ telling ’em
that the line was holding all right, but, by jove, instead of them
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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