Therefore when, as in the particular case of Russia, a national feeling
stood in the way of an abstract ideal, it seemed the most natural thing
in the world to the Jew that the national obstacle should go to the wall
in order that _his_ ideal of Communism might triumph.
There lay behind this great change in the Russian towns, and the capture
of what remains of Russian government by the Jewish Committees, a force
most positive. It was the sense of social justice, the indignation
against indefensible evils.
That sense of social justice, that indignation against indefensible
modern evils, we all feel. There may be men among the wealthier classes
of Western Europe who are so ignorant of the past, or so stupid, that
they do honestly believe Industrial Capitalism to be an inevitable and
even perhaps a good thing. But such men must be very rare. Not only must
they be rare, but they cannot have any wide social experience. A man has
only got to live the life of the poor in the great industrial cities
for a day to see the enormity of the wrong that has to be righted. There
are, of course, not a few but many thousands of individuals who try to
find arguments for Industrial Capitalism, either because they benefit
themselves through the system and are the richer by it, or because they
are the hired servants of those who so benefit--and of this kind are the
writers in the capitalist press. But all these, who are hired advocates,
or advocates with a direct proprietary interest in the continuance of
the modern disease, may be neglected; for they are not in good faith.
They are not really arguing that the thing is good in itself, they are
only trying to find arguments as lawyers do for something which they
have to defend and which in their hearts they admit is evil; or to the
evil of which they are indifferent so long as it gives them a
disproportionate share of material enjoyment.
We must add to these the sincere man who will admit the domination of
Industrial Capitalism because he honestly believes that, bad as it is,
it is _now_ become inevitable and that to tamper with it would bring the
whole State into anarchy. "Such as it is," he would say, "the structure
of our society now depends upon it. We may palliate its evils, we may
try very gradually to transform its worst features. But in its essence
it must remain as it is, or our last state will be worse than our
first."
Of this kind are those who argue that any social experiment antagonistic
to Industrial Capitalism, if pushed sufficiently far, would result in
famine and chaos and even physical evils far worse than the physical
evils which the mass of men have to suffer in the great towns which
capitalism has produced.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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