In a sense, of course, this state of mind is a sort of compliment to the
Jewish nation. If such a preoccupation with them be not amicable it is
at least intense, and those against whom it is directed may well regard
it as a proof of their importance in the world. But that aspect of the
phenomenon is not consoling for the future of either of us--the Jew who
now nervously awaits attack, and we who desire to forestall and prevent
such attack.
The Anti-Semite is very much more numerous and very much more powerful
than might be imagined from the reading of the daily press; for the
press is still, for the most part, under the convention of ignoring the
Jewish problem and under the terror of the financial results which might
follow from a discussion of it. His universal activity is not yet to be
read of in the great newspapers; but in conversation and in the practice
of daily life we hear of it everywhere.
And here I may digress upon a modern feature which applies to all
political problems and therefore to this Jewish problem among others.
The great movements of our time have never _originated_ in the press of
the great cities. They rise and store up their energies in political
cliques, in popular gatherings, and spoken rumours long before they
appear in this main instrument for the spreading of news. That is
because the press of our great cities is controlled by very few men,
whose object is not the discussion of public affairs, still less the
giving of full information to their fellow-citizens, but the piling up
of private fortune. As these men are not, as a rule, educated men, nor
particularly concerned with the fortunes of the State, nor capable of
understanding from the past what the future may be, they will never take
up a great movement until it is forced upon them. On the contrary, they
will waste energy in getting up false excitement upon insignificant
matters where they feel safe, and even in using their instruments for
the advertisement of their own insignificant lives. In all this, the
modern press of our great cities differs very greatly from the press of
a lifetime ago. It was not always owned by educated men, but it was
conducted by highly educated men, who were given a free hand. It
therefore concerned itself with problems of real importance and it
debated upon either side real contrasts of opinion upon those matters.
This modern press of ours does none of these things; but precisely
because it is so reluctant to express real emotion it does, when the
emotion is forced upon it, let it out in a flood. Just as it would not
tell the truth when a thing was growing, so when it reaches an extreme
it will not exercise restraint. On the contrary, if the "stunt" be an
exciting one, it will push it (once it has made up its mind to talk of
it at all) in the most extreme form and to the last pitch of violence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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