To the Roman historian, the incident of Gaius’ attempted erection of his
statue in the temple is only an illustration of the readiness with which
this nation rebelled. Tacitus[311] treats the period between
insurrections as one of smouldering revolt. The incident of Gaius
precipitated an outbreak (Hist. v. 9), which his death calmed, and
enabled the Jews to suppress their inclinations a few years longer.
_Duravit tamen patientia Iudaeis_, he tells us, _usque ad Gessium Florum
procuratorem_, “The submission of the Jews lasted till the
procuratorship of Gessius Florus.”
The short reign of Herod’s popular grandson, Agrippa, “the great king
Agrippa, friend of Caesar and the Romans,” as he calls himself on his
coins and inscriptions,[312] rather confirmed Roman anxiety about the
loyalty of their Jewish subjects than lightened it. It was by a complete
adoption of Jewish customs—an adoption that can hardly have been
sincere—that Agrippa secured and maintained his hold on their
affections.[313] His deference to the religious leaders of the people
was unqualified. His dealing with the Pharisee Simon, who publicly
challenged his right to enter the temple precincts at all, is an
illustration.[314] The Pharisaic tradition of his reign as preserved in
the Talmud is that he was a pious and scrupulously observant Jew,
painfully conscious that his Idumean origin made him half a stranger in
Israel.
But to Rome Agrippa’s methods, in spite of their success, indicated only
that no real progress had been made in the subjugation of Palestine.
Rome was not without experience of lands difficult to subdue. Gaul,
Belgium, Germany, Britain, were all lands where insurrections might at
any time be feared through the devotion of an influential minority to
their ancestral customs. But in Palestine there was even less
appreciable increase in Romanization or Hellenization of customs than in
the countries mentioned. To an antiquary and scholar like the emperor
Claudius there might be something interesting and admirable in the
maintenance of an historic culture, but to the Roman administrative
official, accountable for the security of the East, there was little
that was admirable about it.
A quarrel between the Jews of Peraea and the neighboring city of
Philadelphia may have had only local significance. And the Ptolemy
executed by Fadus may have been only a common highwayman.[315] But a
very little later the success of a certain Theudas, an “impostor,”
γόης τις ἀνήρ, Josephus calls him, in gaining adherents as
a prophet is highly significant.[316] This Theudas undertook to divide
the Jordan, and pass across it with his followers. It is noteworthy that
every such claim to miraculous power immediately elicited drastic action
on the part of the Romans. Theudas’ followers were cut down in a cavalry
raid, and he himself was captured and beheaded. Roman officials
apprehended danger chiefly from this source, and were particularly on
their guard against it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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