The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917Various
History
The Journal of Negro History, Volume 2, 1917
Various
African Americans -- Periodicals
The clause in the constitution which subjected its framers to the
bitterest criticism at the hands of anti-slavery agitators is that
which requires that a "person held to service"--the term "slave" is
here avoided also--in one State and escaping to another shall be
delivered up on claim of the party to whom the service is due. In view
of the interests to be reconciled this clause was undoubtedly
necessary to union.[163] If the free States were to become a place of
refuge for escaping slaves it meant disaster for the States in which
the institution of slavery existed and they insisted upon this as a
self-protective measure. The constitution recognized the right of each
State to preserve the integrity of its own domestic institutions. "It
can never too often be called to mind," says Rhodes, "that the
political parties of the Northern States and their senators and
representatives in Congress, scrupulously respected the constitutional
protection given to the peculiar institution of the South, until, by
her own act, secession dissolved the bonds of union."[164] The tragedy
of the situation lay in the fact that the political necessities of the
time made unavoidable this strange union between freedom and slavery,
the fundamental incompatibility of which the expanding national life
was bound to make clear to the minds of men.
Looking back on this momentous period we are struck with what Lecky
calls "the grotesque absurdity of slaveowners signing a Declaration of
Independence which asserted the inalienable right of every man to
liberty and equality."[165] That the contradiction existed, that it
was felt by men like Jefferson, and that it was destined to become
more prominent in the mind of the nation as the implications and
applications of the great ideas of freedom and equality were enriched
and enlarged in the expanding life of a virile democracy, can not be
denied. But it may be remarked in the defense of our Revolutionary
fathers that they were facing the practical problem of effecting
national unity and that "it is a tendency of the Anglo-Saxon race to
take the expedient in politics when the absolute right can not be
had."[166] They compromised on slavery and on the whole wisely.
Moreover, the history of the development of great moral and political
concepts indicates that men often formulate principles the logical
implications of which are not grasped until new problems and the
demand for new social adjustments emerge. The great moral categories
of courage, temperance and justice first received scientific
formulation at the hands of the Greeks; the ever swelling stream of
human civilization has vastly enriched and enlarged these conceptions
but without altering their essential meaning. When the idea of liberty
which in 1776 included only one class, namely, those who owned the
property and administered the government of the nation, was expanded
so as to include every member of the social order, at that moment
slavery was doomed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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