The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919Various
History
The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919
Various
African Americans -- Periodicals
This report was given on June 19. A few days later a motion was made
by a Bedford County delegate to strike out that part of the report
referring to the condition of the free man of color as "tragic." This
did not prevail. Still later Stephenson in a set speech protested
vigorously against the acceptance of the report of the Committee of
Thirteen. He declared that the report was "an apology for slavery,"
and did not show the convention willing to discharge its duty to the
memorialists, and to the people whose protests could not there be
heard. His principal argument was that the principles guiding this
committee in its decision were subversive of the principles of true
republicanism; that they were also against the principles of the
Bible. Since the committee had admitted the evil of slavery, he
contended, the failure to find a remedy is unworthy of the
representatives of the people of the State. He maintained that there
is no soundness in the argument that because of the physical
differences, the black man should be deprived of the "common rights of
man," and that it is not better to have slavery distributed over a
large area of country than to concentrate it, if slavery is an evil,
since the spread of any evil cannot be better than its limitation.[37]
As an indirect blow at any possible suffrage right of any persons of
color under the new constitution, Marr, delegate from Weakley and
Obion, introduced a resolution at this time intended to restrict
suffrage permanently and definitely to white males, specifically
prohibiting all "mulattoes, negroes, and Indians." This was referred
to the committee of the whole, but, oddly enough, failed of
adoption.[38] The intermittent debate on the subject of emancipation,
led on the one side by Stephenson, and on the other by McKinney, was
resumed a few days later when the latter gave an additional report. He
stated that the memorials with their signatures had been examined and
the names attached to them had numbered 1804 in all. 105 purported to
be slave-holders, said he, but by inquiry the committee had
ascertained that the aggregate number of slaves in their possession
was not greater than 500. He admitted that there were several counties
from which memorials had come, but charged that there had been a
signing of more than one memorial in some counties by the same
persons, so that there was a doubling of names without a proportional
increase of individual signers. He depreciated Stephenson's statement
that these memorials had come from almost every part of the State as
ill-founded; for the sixteen counties of Tennessee which had sent
representatives with memorials favorable to the idea of emancipation
were not from widely scattered portions of the State. Only five
extended westward beyond the longitude of Chattanooga, and there were
none of the more western counties represented. The two sections of the
State seemed to bear no hostility toward each other, but decidedly
disagreed on the slavery question.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account