The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
With regard to the _power of the Convention_, he conceived himself
authorized to _conclude nothing_, but to be at liberty to _propose any
thing_. In this particular he felt himself perfectly indifferent to the
two plans.
With _regard to the sentiments of the people_, he conceived it difficult
to know precisely what they are. Those of the particular circle in which
one moved, were commonly mistaken for the general voice. He could not
persuade himself that the State Gov^{ts} & Sovereignties were so much
the idols of the people, nor a Nat^l Gov^t so obnoxious to them, as some
supposed. Why s^d a Nat^l Gov^t be unpopular? Has it less dignity? will
each Citizen enjoy under it less liberty or protection? Will a Citizen
of _Deleware_ be degraded by becoming a Citizen of the _United States_?
Where do the people look at present for relief from the evils of which
they complain? Is it from an internal reform of their Gov^{ts}? no, Sir.
It is from the Nat^l Councils that relief is expected. For these reasons
he did not fear, that the people would not follow us into a National
Gov^t and it will be a further recommendation of M^r R'^s plan that it
is to be submitted to _them_, and not to the _Legislatures_, for
ratification.
Proceeding now to the 1^{st} point on which he had contrasted the two
plans, he observed that anxious as he was for some augmentation of the
federal powers, it would be with extreme reluctance indeed that he could
ever consent to give powers to Cong^s he had two reasons either of
w^{ch} was sufficient, 1. Cong^s as a Legislative body does not stand on
the people. 2. it is a _single_ body. 1. He would not repeat the remarks
he had formerly made on the principles of Representation, he would only
say that an inequality in it, has ever been a poison contaminating every
branch of Gov^t. In G. Britain where this poison has had a full
operation, the security of private rights is owing entirely to the
purity of her tribunals of Justice, the Judges of which are neither
appointed nor paid, by a venal Parliament. The political liberty of that
Nation, owing to the inequality of representation is at the mercy of its
rulers. He means not to insinuate that there is any parallel between the
situation of that Country & ours at present. But it is a lesson we ought
not to disregard, that the smallest bodies in G. B. are notoriously the
most corrupt. Every other source of influence must also be stronger in
small than large bodies of men. When Lord Chesterfield had told us that
one of the Dutch provinces had been seduced into the views of France, he
need not have added, that it was not Holland, but one of the _smallest_
of them. There are facts among ourselves which are known to all. Passing
over others, he will only remark that the _Impost_, so anxiously wished
for by the public was defeated not by any of the _larger_ States in the
Union. 2. _Congress is a single Legislature._ Despotism comes on Mankind
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