The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
He entreated the gentlemen representing the small States to renounce a
principle w^{ch} was confessedly unjust, which c^d never be admitted, &
if admitted must infuse mortality into a Constitution which we wished to
last forever. He prayed them to ponder well the consequences of
suffering the Confederacy to go to pieces. It had been s^d that the want
of energy in the large states w^d be a security to the small. It was
forgotten that this want of energy proceeded from the supposed security
of the States ag^{st} all external danger. Let each state depend on
itself for its security, & let apprehensions arise of danger, from
distant powers or from neighbouring States, & the languishing condition
of all the States, large as well as small, w^d soon be transformed into
vigorous & high toned Gov^{ts}. His great fear was that their Gov^{ts}
w^d then have too much energy, that these might not only be formidable
in the large to the small States, but fatal to the internal liberty of
all. The same causes which have rendered the old world the Theatre of
incessant wars, & have banished liberty from the face of it, w^d soon
produce the same effects here. The weakness & jealousy of the small
States w^d quickly introduce some regular military force ag^{st} sudden
danger from their powerful neighbours. The example w^d be followed by
others, and w^d soon become universal. In time of actual war, great
discretionary powers are constantly given to the Executive Magistrate.
Constant apprehension of war, has the same tendency to render the head
too large for the body. A standing military force, with an overgrown
Executive will not long be safe companions to liberty. The means of
defence ag^{st} foreign danger, have been always the instruments of
tyranny at home. Among the Romans it was a standing maxim to excite a
war, whenever a revolt was apprehended. Throughout all Europe, the
armies kept up under the pretext of defending, have enslaved the people.
It is perhaps questionable, whether the best concerted system of
absolute power in Europe c^d maintain itself, in a situation, where no
alarms of external danger c^d tame the people to the domestic yoke. The
insular situation of G. Britain was the principal cause of her being an
exception to the general fate of Europe. It has rendered less defence
necessary, and admitted a kind of defence w^{ch} c^d not be used for the
purpose of oppression.--These consequences he conceived ought to be
apprehended whether the States should run into a total separation from
each other, or sh^d enter into partial confederacies. Either event w^d
be truly deplorable; & those who might be accessary to either, could
never be forgiven by their Country, nor by themselves.
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