The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Gov^r Morris, thought the form as well as the matter of the Report
objectionable. It seemed in the first place to render amendments
impracticable. In the next place, it seemed to involve a pledge to agree
to the 2^d part if the 1^{st} sh^d be agreed to. He conceived the whole
aspect of it to be wrong. He came here as a Representative of America;
he flattered himself he came here in some degree as a Representative of
the whole human race; for the whole human race will be affected by the
proceedings of this Convention. He wished gentlemen to extend their
views beyond the present moment of time; beyond the narrow limits of
place from which they derive their political origin. If he were to
believe some things which he had heard, he should suppose that we were
assembled to truck and bargain for our particular States. He can not
descend to think that any gentlemen are really actuated by these views.
We must look forward to the effects of what we do. These alone ought to
guide us. Much has been said of the sentiments of the people. They were
unknown. They could not be known. All that we can infer is that if the
plan we recommend be reasonable & right; all Who have reasonable minds
and sound intentions will embrace it, notwithstanding what had been said
by some gentlemen. Let us suppose that the larger States shall agree;
and that the smaller refuse; and let us trace the consequences. The
opponents of the system in the smaller States will no doubt make a
party, and a noise for a time, but the ties of interest, of kindred & of
common habits which connect them with other States will be too strong to
be easily broken. In N. Jersey particularly he was sure a great many
would follow the sentiments of Pen^a & N. York. This Country must be
united. If persuasion does not unite it, the sword will. He begged that
this consideration might have its due weight. The scenes of horror
attending Civil commotion cannot be described, and the conclusion of
them will be worse than the term of their continuance. The stronger
party will then make traytors of the weaker; and the Gallows & Halter
will finish the work of the sword. How far foreign powers would be ready
to take part in the confusions he would not say. Threats that they will
be invited have it seems been thrown out. He drew the melancholy picture
of foreign intrusions as exhibited in the History of Germany, & urged it
as a standing lesson to other nations. He trusted that the Gentlemen who
may have hazarded such expressions, did not entertain them till they
reached their own lips. But returning to the Report he could not think
it in any respect calculated for the Public good. As the 2^d branch is
now constituted, there will be constant disputes & appeals to the States
which will undermine the Gen^l Government & controul & annihilate the
1^{st} branch. Suppose that the delegates from Mass^{ts} & Rho I. in the
Upper House disagree, and that the former are outvoted. What Results?
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