The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Madison was not a little surprised to hear this implicit confidence
urged by a member who on all occasions, had inculcated so strongly, the
political depravity of men, and the necessity of checking one vice and
interest by opposing to them another vice & interest. If the
Representatives of the people would be bound by the ties he had
mentioned, what need was there of a Senate? What of a Revisionary power?
But his reasoning was not only inconsistent with his former reasoning,
but with itself. At the same time that he recommended this implicit
confidence to the Southern States in the Northern majority, he was still
more zealous in exhorting all to a jealousy of a Western Majority. To
reconcile the gentl^n with himself, it must be imagined that he
determined the human character by the points of the compass. The truth
was that all men having power ought to be distrusted to a certain
degree. The case of Pen^a had been mentioned where it was admitted that
those who were possessed of the power in the original settlement, never
admitted the new settlem^{ts} to a due share of it. England was a still
more striking example. The power there had long been in the hands of the
boroughs, of the minority; who had opposed & defeated every reform which
had been attempted. Virg^a was in a lesser degree another example. With
regard to the Western States, he was clear & firm in opinion, that no
unfavorable distinctions were admissible either in point of justice or
policy. He thought also that the hope of contributions to the Treas^y
from them had been much underrated. Future contributions it seemed to be
understood on all hands would be principally levied on imports &
exports. The extent and fertility of the Western Soil would for a long
time give to agriculture a preference over manufactures. Trials would be
repeated till some articles could be raised from it that would bear a
transportation to places where they could be exchanged for imported
manufactures. Whenever the Mississippi should be opened to them, which
would of necessity be y^e case as soon as their population would subject
them to any considerable share of the Public burden, imposts on their
trade could be collected with less expence & greater certainty, than on
that of the Atlantic States. In the mean time, as their supplies must
pass through the _Atlantic States_, their contributions would be levied
in the same manner with those of the Atlantic States. He could not agree
that any substantial objection lay ag^{st} fix^g numbers for the
perpetual standard of Representation. It was said that Representation &
taxation were to go together; that taxation and wealth ought to go
together, that population & wealth were not measures of each other. He
admitted that in different climates, under different forms of Gov^t and
in different stages of civilization the inference was perfectly just. He
would admit that in no situation, numbers of inhabitants were an
accurate measure of wealth.
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