The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 1
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Bedford. In answer to his colleague's question, where w^d be the
danger to the States from this power, would refer him to the smallness
of his own State which may be injured at pleasure without redress. It
was meant he found to strip the small States of their equal right of
suffrage. In this case Delaware would have about 1/90 for its share in
the General Councils, whilst P^a & V^a would possess 1/3 of the whole.
Is there no difference of interests, no rivalship of commerce, of
manufactures? Will not these large States crush the small ones whenever
they stand in the way of their ambitious or interested views. This shews
the impossibility of adopting such a system as that on the table, or any
other founded on a change in the priñple of representation. And after
all, if a State does not obey the law of the new System, must not force
be resorted to as the only ultimate remedy, in this as in any other
system. It seems as if P^a & V^a by the conduct of their deputies wished
to provide a system in which they would have an enormous & monstrous
influence. Besides, How can it be thought that the proposed negative can
be exercised? Are the laws of the States to be suspended in the most
urgent cases until they can be sent seven or eight hundred miles, and
undergo the deliberation of a body who may be incapable of Judging of
them? Is the National Legislature too to sit continually in order to
revise the laws of the States?
M^r Madison observed that the difficulties which had been started were
worthy of attention and ought to be answered before the question was
put. The case of laws of urgent necessity must be provided for by some
emanation of the power from the Nat^l Gov^t into each State so far as to
give a temporary assent at least. This was the practice in the Royal
Colonies before the Revolution and would not have been inconvenient if
the supreme power of negativing had been faithful to the American
interest, and had possessed the necessary information. He supposed that
the negative might be very properly lodged in the senate alone, and that
the more numerous & expensive branch therefore might not be obliged to
sit constantly. He asked M^r B. what would be the consequence to the
small States of a dissolution of the Union w^{ch} seemed likely to
happen if no effectual substitute was made for the defective System
existing, and he did not conceive any effectual system could be
substituted on any other basis than that of a proportional suffrage? If
the large States possessed the Avarice & ambition with which they were
charged, would the small ones in their neighbourhood, be more secure
when all controul of a Gen^l Gov^t was withdrawn.
M^r Butler was vehement ag^{st} the Negative in the proposed extent, as
cutting off all hope of equal justice to the distant States. The people
there would not he was sure give it a hearing.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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