The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Gov^r Morris regretted that something like the proposed check could
not be agreed to. He dwelt on the importance of public Credit, and the
difficulty of supporting it without some strong barrier against the
instability of legislative Assemblies. He suggested the idea of
requiring three fourths of each house to _repeal_ laws where the
President should not concur. He had no great reliance on the revisionary
power as the Executive was now to be constituted (elected by Congress.)
The legislature will contrive to soften down the President. He recited
the history of paper emissions, and the perseverance of the legislative
assemblies in repeating them, with all the distressing effects of such
measures before their eyes. Were the National legislature formed, and a
war was now to break out, this ruinous expedient would be again resorted
to, if not guarded against. The requiring 3/4 to repeal would, though
not a compleat remedy, prevent the hasty passage of laws, and the
frequency of those repeals which destroy faith in the public, and which
are among our greatest calamities.
M^r Dickenson was strongly impressed with the remark of M^r Mercer as to
the power of the Judges to set aside the law. He thought no such power
ought to exist. He was at the same time at a loss what expedient to
substitute. The Justiciary of Arragon he observed became by degrees the
lawgiver.
M^r Gov^r Morris, suggested the expedient of an absolute negative in the
Executive. He could not agree that the Judiciary which was part of the
Executive, should be bound to say that a direct violation of the
Constitution was law. A controul over the legislature might have its
inconveniences. But view the danger on the other side. The most virtuous
Citizens will often as members of a legislative body concur in measures
which afterwards in their private capacity they will be ashamed of.
Encroachments of the popular branch of the Government ought to be
guarded ag^{st}. The Ephori at Sparta became in the end absolute. The
Report of the Council of Censors in Pennsylv^a points out the many
invasions of the legislative department on the Executive numerous as the
latter[30] is, within the short term of seven years, and in a State
where a strong party is opposed to the Constitution, and watching every
occasion of turning the public resentments ag^{st} it. If the Executive
be overturned by the popular branch, as happened in England, the tyranny
of one man will ensue. In Rome where the Aristocracy overturned the
throne, the consequence was different. He enlarged on the tendency of
the legislative Authority to usurp on the Executive and wished the
section to be postponed, in order to consider of some more effectual
check than requiring 2/3 only to overrule the negative of the Executive.
[30] The Executive consists at this time of ab^t 20
members.--Madison's Note.
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