Germany -- Politics and government -- 1888-1918; William II, German Emperor, 1859-1941; World War, 1914-1918
When I learned of it, I immediately sought information about it from
Herr von Bethmann. He wrote me a rather puzzling letter to the effect
that there was surely something about it among the documents of the
Foreign Office; that the German ambassador at that time in Washington,
von Holleben, had made some confidential report on it, to be sure, but
had not given his source of information, wherefore the Foreign Office
had not attached any importance to the matter and had not reported
further on it to me. Hence the said agreement had actually no influence
upon Germany's policy, but it constitutes supplementary proof that the
Anglo-Saxon world as far back as 1897 had combined against us, and
thereby explains a number of obstacles encountered by Germany in her
foreign policy. It also explains America's attitude in the war.
We were quite well acquainted, on the other hand, with the Entente
Cordiale, its foundations and purposes, and it decisively influenced
the course of our policy.
In view of the grouping of England, France, and Russia--three very
strong powers--only one political course lay open to Germany, the
threat of deciding Germany's future by force of arms must be avoided
until we had secured for ourselves such an economic, military, naval,
and national-political position in the world as to make it seem
advisable to our opponents to refrain from risking a decision by arms
and to yield us the share in the apportionment and management of the
world to which our ability entitled us. We neither desired nor were we
entitled to jeopardize our hard-won welfare.
_The aims of the Entente could be attained only through a war, those of
Germany only without a war._ It is necessary to hold fast to this basic
idea; it is of more decisive value than all accessory matters. Hence I
shall not go into detail here, nor take up Belgian or other reports,
nor the telegrams sent just before the outbreak of war. The thorough
treatment of these details lies in the domain of research.
In Germany our situation was correctly understood, and we acted
accordingly.
SOUGHT ENGLAND'S FRIENDSHIP
Taking up once more our relations with England, we did everything in
our power to bring about a rapprochement; we consented to the demand
for limitation of naval construction, as I have shown in my report
of Haldane's visit to Berlin. I went so far as to try to utilize my
family connections. But in vain. The actions of King Edward VII
are explained by the simple fact that he was an Englishman and was
trying to bring to realization the plans of his Government. Maybe the
political ambitions of the King, who did not begin to reign until well
along in years, contributed to this.
We certainly did all that was possible to meet England halfway, but
it was useless, because the German export figures showed an increase;
naturally we could not limit our world commerce in order to satisfy
England. That would have been asking too much.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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