The last days of the French monarchyBelloc, Hilaire
History
The last days of the French monarchy
Belloc, Hilaire
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799
In those same years he was flooded by surrounding society with every
article of his political creed, and it was stamped upon him in that
plastic period of life both by the overwhelming success of his own
efforts in the service of that creed, and by that creed’s general
success in its first undertakings.
The Declaration of Independence he had helped to make triumph; once it
had triumphed he had witnessed--from a distance it is true, and with
some of the too hopeful illusions of distance--the prosperous career of
its principles upon its native soil. Such pressure coming at such a
moment in the development of a man, crystallizes him; and for fifty
mortal years, from the achievement of American independence to his death
in 1834, Lafayette remained Lafayette without growth or change.
For pages so few as these a summary so short must suffice. The reader
will expand for himself the consequences following upon this type of
sincerity, conviction, and fixed, immutable in experience. In religion
it was inevitable that such a mind should be dry. He professed, of
course, the thin Deism which some may claim in old age to have turned to
conceptions a trifle warmer and more full of stuff; but I confess these
tinges of colour seem to me superadded from social fashions contemporary
with his later years, when the Catholic Church, which in his youth
nearly all the educated class in his country took to be a dying
superstition, had reasserted its vitality.
In politics such a man stood also, of course, for those plain and
fundamental principles which all clear thought has discovered to be the
basis of just government: that sovereignty must reside with the people;
that the usurpation of that sovereignty, whether effected in the name of
the people or in contempt of them, must be equally resisted; that laws
once fixed, having in them necessarily an element of conflicting detail,
necessarily lead to dissensions, but must be obeyed by all indifferently
until they are changed by the popular voice; that violence is
permissible only against aggression from without or illegal action from
within--and so forth.
On the other hand, through an illusion common enough in men of this
type, he confounded certain modern adjuncts of these ancient truths with
the truth themselves. Thus he thought there was something sacred in
representation and could hardly distinguish between the nation and an
electoral body proceeding from it. He believed in the equality of man
without seizing the fact that this, so far from being self evident, is a
tremendous and mystical dogma allied with a particular type of religion
and rising or perishing with it. He took for granted the necessity in
any free state of leaving the courts of justice untrammelled by the
executive, but he neither devised nor thought there needed to be devised
any scheme whereby the courts, thus untrammelled, should be kept pure.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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