The last Punic war, Vol. 1 (of 2) : $b Tunis, past and present : with a narrative of the French conquest of the regency.Broadley, Alexander Meyrick
History
The last Punic war, Vol. 1 (of 2) : $b Tunis, past and present : with a narrative of the French conquest of the regency.
Broadley, Alexander Meyrick
Tunisia -- History; Tunisia -- History -- French occupation, 1881-1956
I am aware that all this is entirely at variance with the wishes of your
Highness, who has ordered the troops to retire on the approach of the
French forces. But will these wise precautions guard against
eventualities, which may arise from the exciting influence of people who
say they are enemies of France, but are in reality enemies of your
Highness? Nobody can say so, and it is this fact which encourages me to
entreat your Highness to consult your true interests and trust entirely
to the honour and friendship of a Power, the protection of which has
never failed either the Hassanite dynasty or the country it rules.
_The Bey to M. Roustan_ (_April 18th_, 1881).
We have received the letter which you have been good enough to address
to us under date 15th April, and we have taken note of its contents.
When we explained to you, both verbally and in writing, the reasons
which prevent us from consenting to the entry of the French troops into
our territory, and the amalgamation of our own army with them in order
to co-operate in their movements, we had hoped that you would have been
struck by the truth of these reasons on looking into them, and that you
would have taken into consideration the serious danger which would
result from such co-operation.
We had thought, too, that the statesmen who govern France with such
wisdom and equity, would also have understood how legitimate these
reasons were, and would have found them just; this belief on our part
was founded on the great faith we put in your kind offices as
intermediary, knowing that you would place the matter before your
Government in its right light, and that you would point out to them the
serious consequences which would result from such a step, and which no
one could prevent.
Unfortunately for us, your above-mentioned letter destroys all illusion
on this matter.
We are therefore compelled, in order to protect the interests which are
intrusted to us, and to avoid the disasters which we foresee must befall
the inhabitants of our country, to bring again to bear the same reasons
which we have already given you both verbally and in writing.
You are aware that we have spared no effort and no diligence in adopting
those measures which the circumstances required, and which we put into
execution thoroughly and loyally.
How then should we be obliged, by a neighbour (with whom we have been
always careful to live in perfect union, and to protect his rights as an
ally), to accept a position so little becoming to our dignity, and which
would expose the whole population to serious perils, which it would be
impossible for us to avert?
We believe that, up to the present, there exists between us no
difference of opinion as to the programme which we propose to follow.
This plan is to make the Khamírs indemnify the victims of their
depredations, to punish the authors of known outrages, and to take steps
to prevent their recurrence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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