Law -- England; Poor -- England; Poor laws -- England; Working class -- England
The feudal lords and their henchmen did many things in the good old days
in their quarrels with their neighbours which to-day would bring them
before the justices. They wounded with intent, they did grievous bodily
harm to anyone who annoyed them, and they did as much malicious damage to
property as seemed in their own eyes a fair set off for insults had and
received. Among a certain small degraded class in our own country these
traditional pleasantries of the country-side are not fully recognised to
be crimes. There are a set of men among whom it is not "bad form" to
commit these acts. This form of atavism requires not only pity but further
and better repression at the hands of capable police.
As long, therefore, as we have these hereditary tendencies to crimes of
violence and selfishness, the police court seems to me to meet a felt
want. I can imagine a better world without any police court, just as I can
imagine this world with a better police court.
But I should like to see imprisonment kept entirely for evil-doers, and
that side of the police court work which consists in rate collecting and
semi-civil proceedings transferred elsewhere. At present many are sent to
gaol in the police court for the crime of poverty. In the cases of
non-payment of rates or of orders on parents to pay subscriptions to
industrial homes it seems a very bad policy to send a poor man to prison.
It takes a man from work, it does not produce money, and it throws a
family into the workhouse.
In these cases there is no pretence of proving a man's means and sending
him to gaol because he can pay and won't. No such evidence is necessary.
The man goes to prison because he is poor and has not the money to pay. If
the State thinks fit to put a man's child in a reformatory, one would
think it might stand the expense of it, without ruining the home by
imprisoning the father because he cannot subscribe towards his keep.
With regard to orders for maintaining a separated wife, or affiliation
orders, everyone would have less sympathy with the man who is sent to
prison for not paying these. But if a man has not the money he does not
make any in prison, and what these poor women want is regular weekly
money.
These are special cases in which I think power to attach a man's wages up
to a certain percentage would be a just and reasonable proposition. Such a
law might be unpopular with mankind, but it seems fair to the women.
Whether it would tend to increase or decrease maintenance and bastardy
orders I have not the least idea.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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