The Law of Civilization and Decay: An Essay on HistoryAdams, Brooks
Philosophy
The Law of Civilization and Decay: An Essay on History
Adams, Brooks
Civilization -- History; Degeneration; History -- Philosophy
In a hierarchy like the Anglican, whose function was to preach passive
obedience to the representative of an opulent, but somewhat sluggish
oligarchy, there could be no permanent place for idealists. With a
Spanish invasion threatening them, an unwarlike ruling class might
tolerate sailors like Drake, or priests like Latimer; but, in the long
run, their interest lay in purging England of so dangerous an element.
The aristocracy sought men who could be bought; but such were of a
different type from Latimer, who, when they brought to him the fire,
as he stood chained to the stake, “spake in this manner: ‘Be of good
comfort, master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such
a candle, by God’s grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put
out.’” And so, “after he had stroked his face with his hands, and as it
were bathed them a little in the fire, he soon died.”
Ecclesiastics like Latimer were apt to be of the mind of Knox, who
held “that sick as may and do brydill the inordinatt appetyteis of
Princes, cannot be accusit of resistance to the aucthoratie, quhilk
is Godis gud ordinance.” And as the interests of landed capital were
bound up with the maintenance of the royal prerogative, such men had
to be eliminated. After the death of Mary, the danger apprehended by
the landed gentry was a Spanish invasion, coupled with a Catholic
insurrection, and therefore the policy of statesmen like Cecil was
to foster hostility to Rome. Until after the Armada, Anglicans were
permitted to go all lengths towards Geneva; even as late as 1595 the
“Lambeth Articles” breathed pure Calvinism. But with the opening of
a new century, a change set in; as the power of Spain dwindled, rents
rose, and the farmers grew restive at the precise moment when men of
the heroic temperament could be discarded. Raleigh was sent to the
Tower in 1603.
According to Thorold Rogers, “good arable land [which] let at less than
a shilling an acre in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, was
let at 5s. to 6s. at the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth,”
while rent for pasture doubled.[311] Rising rents, and prices tending
to become stationary, caused suffering among the rural population,
and with suffering came discontent. This discontent in the country
was fomented by restlessness in the towns, for commerce had been
strongly stimulated during the reign of Elizabeth by the Spanish wars,
and the mercantile element began to rebel against legislation passed
in the interest of the favoured class. Suddenly the dissatisfaction
found vent; for more than forty years the queen’s ministers had met
with no serious opposition in Parliament; in 1601, without warning,
their system of monopolies was struck down, and from that day to the
revolution of 1688, the House of Commons proved to be unmanageable by
the Crown. Even as early as the accession of James, the competition
between the aristocracy and their victims had begun to glow with the
heat which presages civil war.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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